THE  TRUE 
GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

BY 

PAUL  LEICESTER  FORD 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

GIFT  OF 

Catherine  K.  Ttfheeler 


SHARPLESS    MINIATURE    OF    WASHINGTON,     1795 


The  True 
George  Washington 


By 

Paul    Leicester   Ford 

Author  of  "  The  Honorable  Peter  Stirling" 

Editor  of"  The  Writings  of  Thomas  Jefferson"  and 

"The  Sayings  of  Poor  Richard" 


"That  I  have  foibles,  and  perhaps  many  of  them,  I 
shall  not  deny.  I  should  esteem  myself,  as  the  world 
would,  vain  and  empty,  were  I  to  arrogate  perfection." 

—  Washington 

"  Speak  of  me  as  I  am  ;  nothing  extenuate,  nor  set 
down  aught  in  malice." — Shakespeare 


Philadelphia 

J.   B.   Lippincott    Company 

1909 


COPYRIGHT,  1896 

BY 

J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY 


r/T 

GIFT 

' 


FO  UR  TEENTH  EDITION 


ELECTROTYPED AND  PRINTED  BY  J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY,  PHILADELPHIA,  U.S.A. 


£ 
F7 


THIS  BOOK  IS   DEDICATED 

TO 

WILLIAM   F.   HAVEMEYER, 

IN  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  OF  THE   INDEBTEDNESS   OF    THE 
AUTHOR   TO   HIS   COLLECTION 

OF 

WASHINGTONIANA. 


942 


Note 

IN  every  country  boasting  a  history  there  may  be 
observed  a  tendency  to  make  its  leaders  or  great 
men  superhuman.  Whether  we  turn  to  the  legends 
of  the  East,  the  folk-lore  of  Europe,  or  the  traditions 
of  the  native  races  of  America,  we  find  a  mythology 
based  upon  the  acts  of  man  gifted  with  superhuman 
powers.  In  the  unscientific,  primeval  periods  in 
which  these  beliefs  were  born  and  elaborated  into 
oral  and  written  form,  their  origin  is  not  surprising. 
But  to  all  who  have  studied  the  creation  of  a  my 
thology,  no  phase  is  a  more  curious  one  than  that 
the  keen,  practical  American  of  to-day  should  en 
gage  in  the  same  process  of  hero-building  which 
has  given  us  Jupiter,  Wotan,  King  Arthur,  and  others. 
By  a  slow  evolution  we  have  well-nigh  discarded  from 
the  lives  of  our  greatest  men  of  the  past  all  human 
faults  and  feelings  ;  have  enclosed  their  greatness  in 
glass  of  the  clearest  crystal,  and  hung  up  a  sign, 
"  Do  not  touch."  Indeed,  with  such  characters  as 
Washington,  Franklin,  and  Lincoln  we  have  practi 
cally  adopted  the  English  maxim  that  "  the  king  can 
do  no  wrong."  In  place  of  men,  limited  by  human 
limits,  and  influenced  by  human  passions,  we  have 
demi-gods,  so  stripped  of  human  characteristics  as  to 
make  us  question  even  whether  they  deserve  much 
credit  for  their  sacrifices  and  deeds. 

5 


NOTE 

But  with  this  process  of  canonization  have  we  not 
lost  more  than  we  have  gained,  both  in  example  and 
in  interest?  Many,  no  doubt,  with  the  greatest 
veneration  for  our  first  citizen,  have  sympathized 
with  the  view  expressed  by  Mark  Twain,  when  he 
said  that  he  was  a  greater  man  than  Washington,  for 
the  latter  "  couldn't  tell  a  lie,  while  he  could,  but 
wouldn't."  We  have  endless  biographies  of  Frank 
lin,  picturing  him  in  all  the  public  stations  of  life,  but 
all  together  they  do  not  equal  in  popularity  his  own 
human  autobiography,  in  which  we  see  him  walking 
down  Market  Street  with  a  roll  under  each  arm,  and 
devouring  a  third.  And  so  it  seems  as  if  the  time 
had  come  to  put  the  shadow-boxes  of  humanity 
round  our  historic  portraits,  not  because  they  are 
ornamental  in  themselves,  but  because  they  will 
make  them  examples,  not  mere  idols. 

If  the  present  work  succeeds  in  humanizing  Wash 
ington,  and  making  him  a  man  rather  than  a  histor 
ical  figure,  its  purpose  will  have  been  fulfilled.  In 
the  attempt  to  accomplish  this,  Washington  has,  so 
far  as  is  possible,  been  made  to  speak  for  himself, 
even  though  at  times  it  has  compelled  the  sacrifice 
of  literary  form,  in  the  hope  that  his  own  words 
would  convey  a  greater  sense  of  the  personality  of 
the  man.  So,  too,  liberal  drafts  have  been  made  on 
the  opinions  and  statements  of  his  contemporaries  ; 
but,  unless  the  contrary  is  stated  or  is  obvious,  all 
quoted  matter  is  from  Washington's  own  pen.  It  is 
with  pleasure  that  the  author  adds  that  the  result  of 
his  study  has  only  served  to  make  Washington  the 
greater  to  him. 

6 


NOTE 

The  writer  is  under  the  greatest  obligation  to  his 
brother,  Worthington  Chauncey  Ford,  not  merely  for 
his  numerous  books  on  Washington,  of  which  his 
"  Writings  of  George  Washington"  is  easily  first  in 
importance  of  all  works  relating  to  the  great  Ameri 
can,  but  also  for  much  manuscript  material  which  he 
has  placed  at  the  author's  service.  Hitherto  un 
published  facts  have  been  drawn  from  many  other 
sources,  but  notably  from  the  rich  collection  of  Mr. 
William  F.  Havemeyer,  of  New  York,  from  the  De 
partment  of  State  in  Washington,  and  from  the  His 
torical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  To  Mr.  S.  M. 
Hamilton,  of  the  former  institution,  and  to  Mr.  Fred 
erick  D.  Stone,  of  the  latter,  the  writer  is  particularly 
indebted  for  assistance. 


Contents 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I. — FAMILY  RELATIONS 15 

II. — PHYSIQUE 38 

III. — EDUCATION 60 

IV. — RELATIONS  WITH  THE  FAIR  SEX 84 

V. — FARMER  AND  PROPRIETOR 112 

VI.— MASTER  AND  EMPLOYER 138 

VII.— SOCIAL  LIFE , 163 

VIII. — TASTES  AND  AMUSEMENTS 186 

IX. — FRIENDS 209 

X. — ENEMIES 240 

XI.— SOLDIER 268 

XII.— CITIZEN  AND  OFFICE-HOLDER 293 


List  of  Illustrations  with  Notes 


MINIATURE  OP  WASHINGTON.     BY  JAMES  SHARPLESS 

Frontispiece. 

Painted  for  Washington  in  1795,  and  presented  by  him 
to  Nelly  (Calvert)  Stuart,  widow  of  John  Parke  Custis, 
Washington's  adopted  son.  Her  son  George  Washington 
Parke  Custis,  in  whose  presence  the  sittings  were  made, 
often  spoke  of  the  likeness  as  "almost  perfect." 

MEMORIAL  TABLET  OF  LAURENCE  AND  AMEE  WASH 
INGTON,  IN  SULGRAVE  CHURCH,  NORTHAMPTON 
SHIRE  17 

The  injury  of  the  effigy  of  Laurence  Washington  and  the 
entire  disappearance  of  the  effigy  of  Amee  antedate  the 
early  part  of  the  present  century,  and  probably  were  done 
in  the  Puritan  period.  Since  the  above  tracing  was  made 
the  brasses  of  the  eleven  children  have  been  stolen,  leaving 
nothing  but  the  lettering  and  the  shield  of  the  Washington 


BETTY  WASHINGTON,  WIFE  OF  FIELDING  LEWIS  .     .      22 

Painted  about  1750,  and  erroneously  alleged  to  be  by 
Copley.  Original  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  R.  Byrd  Lewis, 
of  Marmion,  Virginia. 

JOHN  AND  MARTHA  CUSTIS 30 

Original  in  the  possession  of  General  G.  W.  Custis  Lee,  of 
Lexington,  Virginia. 

MINIATURE  OF  ELEANOR  PARKE  CUSTIS 34 

From  the  miniature  by  Gilbert  Stuart,  in  the  possession  of 
her  grandson,  Edward  Parke  Lewis  Custis,  of  Hoboken, 
New  Jersey. 

II 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS   WITH   NOTES 

PAGB 

FICTITIOUS  PORTRAIT  OF  WASHINGTON 47 

The  lettering  reads,  "  Done  from  an  original  Drawn  from 
the  Life,  by  Alexr  Campbell  of  Williamsburg  in  Virginia. 
Published  as  the  act  directs  9  Septr  1775  by  C.  Shepherd." 
It  is  the  first  engraved  portrait  of  Washington,  and  was 
issued  to  satisfy  the  English  curiosity  concerning  the  new 
commander-in-chief  of  the  rebels.  From  the  original 
print  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  W.  F.  Havemeyer,  of  New 
York. 

COPY  SHEET  FROM  YOUNG  MAN'S  COMPANION.     .     .      62 

The  sheet  from  which  Washington  modelled  his  hand 
writing,  and  to  which  his  earliest  script  shows  a  marked 
resemblance.  From  the  original  in  the  possession  of  the 
author. 

LETTER  TO  MRS.  FAIRFAX 67 

Showing  changes  and  corrections  made  by  Washington 
at  a  later  date.  From  original  copy-book  in  the  Washing 
ton  MSS.  in  the  Department  of  State. 

PORTRAIT  OF  MARY  PHILIPSE 90 

From  the  original  formerly  in  the  possession  of  Mr. 
Frederick  Philipse. 

PORTRAIT  OF  MARTHA  CUSTIS 101 

Alleged  to  have  been  painted  by  Woolaston  about  1757. 
It  has  been  asserted  by  Mr.  L.  W.  Washington  and  Mr. 
Moncure  D.  Conway  that  this  is  a  portrait  of  Betty  Wash 
ington  Lewis,  but  in  this  they  are  wholly  in  error,  as  proof 
exists  that  it  is  a  portrait  of  Mrs.  Washington  before  her 
second  marriage. 

SURVEY  OF  MOUNT  VERNON  HILLS 114 

Made  by  Washington  as  a  boy,  and  one  of  the  earliest 
specimens  of  his  work.  The  small  drawing  of  the  house 
represents  it  as  it  was  before  Washington  enlarged  it,  and 
is  the  only  picture  of  it  known.  Original  in  the  Depart 
ment  of  State. 

MOUNTAIN  ROAD  LOTTERY  TICKET 135 

From  the  original  in  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl 
vania, 

12 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS   WITH   NOTES 

PAGB 

FAMILY  GROUP 150 

Painted  by  Edward  Savage  about  1795,  and  issued  as  a 
large  engraving  in  1798.  The  original  picture  is  now  in 
the  possession  of  Mr.  William  F.  Havemeyer,  of  New 
York. 


DINNER  INVITATION 173 

The  official  invitation  while  President,  Jrorc  the  original  in 
the  possession  of  the  author. 


DANCING  AGREEMENT 184 

This  gives  only  the  first  few  names,  many  more  following. 
The  original  was  formerly  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Thomas 
Biddle,  of  Philadelphia. 


BOOK-PLATE  OF  WASHINGTON 204 

This  is  a  slight  variation  from  the  true  Washington  coat 
of  arms,  the  changes  being  introduced  by  Washington. 
From  the  original  in  the  possession  of  the  author. 


SURVEY  OF  WAKEFIELD 210 

Washington's  birthplace.  The  survey  was  made  in  1743, 
on  the  property  coming  into  the  possession  of  Augustine 
Washington  (second)  from  his  father,  with  the  object  of 
readjusting  the  boundary-lines.  Original  in  the  possession 
of  Mr.  William  F.  Havemeyer,  of  New  York. 


WASHINGTON  FAMILY  BIBLE 225 

This  record,  with  the  exception  of  the  interlined  note 
concerning  Betty  Washington  Lewis,  is  in  the  handwriting 
of  George  Washington,  and  was  written  when  he  was 
about  sixteen  years  old.  Original  in  the  possession  of  Mrs. 
Lewis  Washington,  of  Charlestown,  West  Virginia. 


MINIATURE  OF  MRS.  WASHINGTON 244 

By  an  unknown  artist.    From  the  original  in  the  possession 
of  General  G.  W.  Custis  Lee,  of  Lexington,  Virginia. 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS   WITH   NOTES 


EARLIEST  AUTOGRAPH  OF  WASHINGTON 260 

On  a  fly-leaf  of  the  volume  to  which  this  title  belongs  is 
written,  "This  autograph  of  Genl.  Washington's  name  is 
believed  to  be  the  earliest  specimen  of  his  writing,  when 
he  was  probably  not  more  than  8  or  9  years  of  age." 
This  is  a  note  by  G.  C.  Washington,  to  whom  Washing 
ton's  library  descended.  Original  in  the  possession  of  the 
Boston  Athenaeum. 


RULES  OF  CIVILITY 270 

First  page  of  Washington's  boyish  transcript,  written  when 
he  was  about  thirteen  years  of  age.  Used  here  by  courtesy 
of  Mr.  S.  M.  Hamilton  and  "  Public  Opinion,"  who  are 
preparing  a  fac-simile  edition  of  the  entire  rules. 

LIFE  MASK  BY  HOUDON 285 

Taken  by  Houdon  in  October,  1785.  From  the  replica 
in  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

TITLE-PAGE  OF  JOURNAL  OF  GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 
i?54 294 

Of  this  first  edition  but  two  copies  are  known.  From  the 
original  in  the  Lenox  Library. 

PRESIDENTIAL  HOUSE  IN  PHILADELPHIA      ....    304 

Philadelphia  offered  to  furnish  the  house  for  the  President 
during  the  time  Congress  sat  in  that  city,  but  Washington 
"  wholly  declined  living  in  any  public  building,"  and  rented 
this  house  from  Robert  Morris.  Though  it  was  considered 
one  of  the  finest  in  the  city,  Washington  several  times 
complained  of  being  cramped. 


The  True 
George   Washington 


FAMILY    RELATIONS 

ALTHOUGH  Washington  wrote  that  the  history  of 
his  ancestors  was,  in  his  opinion,  "of  very  little 
moment,"  and  "a  subject  to  which  I  confess  I  have 
paid  very  little  attention,"  few  Americans  can  prove 
a  better  pedigree.  The  earliest  of  his  forebears  yet 
discovered  was  described  as  "  gentleman,"  the  family 
were  granted  lands  by  Henry  the  Eighth,  held  various 
offices  of  honor,  married  into  good  families,  and  under 
the  Stuarts  two  were  knighted  and  a  third  served  as 
page  to  Prince  Charles.  Lawrence,  a  brother  of  the 
three  thus  distinguished,  matriculated  at  Oxford  as  a 
"  generosi  films"  (the  intermediate  class  between  sons 
of  the  nobility,  "armigeri  filius,"  and  of  the  people, 
"  plebeii  filius"),  or  as  of  the  minor  gentry.  In  time 
he  became  a  fellow  and  lector  of  Brasenose  College, 
and  presently  obtained  the  good  living  of  Purleigh. 
Strong  royalists,  the  fortunes  of  the  family  waned 
along  with  King  Charles,  and  sank  into  insignificance 
with  the  passing  of  the  Stuart  dynasty.  Not  the  least 
sufferer  was  the  rector  of  Purleigh,  for  the  Puritan 

15 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Parliament  ejected  him  from  his  living,  on  the  charge 
"that  he  was  a  common  frequenter  of  ale-houses, 
not  only  himself  sitting  dayly  tippling  there  .  .  .  but 
hath  oft  been  drunk," — a  charge  indignantly  denied 
by  the  royalists,  who  asserted  that  he  was  a  "  worthy 
Pious  man,  .  .  .  always  ...  a  very  Modest,  Sober 
Person  ;"  and  this  latter  claim  is  supported  by  the 
fact  that  though  the  Puritans  sequestered  the  rich 
living,  they  made  no  objection  to  his  serving  as  rector 
at  Brixted  Parva,  where  the  living  was  "  such  a  Poor 
and  Miserable  one  that  it  was  always  with  difficulty 
that  any  one  was  persuaded  to  accept  of  it." 

Poverty  resulting,  John,  the  eldest  son  of  this 
rector,  early  took  to  the  sea,  and  in  1656  assisted  "  as 
second  man  in  Sayleing  ye  Vessel  to  Virginia." 
Here  he  settled,  took  up  land,  presently  became  a 
county  officer,  a  burgess,  and  a  colonel  of  militia. 
In  this  latter  function  he  commanded  the  Virginia 
troops  during  the  Indian  war  of  1675,  and  when  his 
great-grandson,  George,  on  his  first  arrival  on  the 
frontier,  was  called  by  the  Indians  "  Conotocarius," 
or  "devourer  of  villages,"  the  formidable  but  inap 
propriate  title  for  the  newly-fledged  officer  is  sup 
posed  to  have  been  due  to  the  reputation  that  John 
Washington  had  won  for  his  name  among  the  Indians 
eighty  years  before. 

Both  John's  son,  Lawrence,  and  Lawrence's  son, 
Augustine,  describe  themselves  in  their  wills  as  "gen 
tlemen,"  and  both  intermarried  with  the  "gentry 
families"  of  Virginia.  Augustine  was  educated  at 
Appleby  School,  in  England,  like  his  grandfather 

followed  the  sea  for  a  time,  was  interested  in  iron 

16 


*1 


JJ 


TABLET  TO  LAURENCE  WASHINGTON  AND  HIS  FAMILY  i: 
SILGRAYE  CHURCH. 


FAMILY  RELATIONS 

mines,  and  in  other  ways  proved  himself  far  more 
than  the  average  Virginia  planter  of  his  day.  He 
was  twice  married, — which  marriages,  with  uncon 
scious  humor,  he  describes  in  his  will  as  "several 
Ventures," — had  ten  children,  and  died  in  1743, 
when  George,  his  fifth  child  and  the  first  by  his 
second  "Venture,"  was  a  boy  of  eleven.  The  father 
thus  took  little  part  in  the  life  of  the  lad,  and  almost 
the  only  mention  of  him  by  his  son  still  extant  is 
the  one  recorded  in  Washington's  round  school-boy 
hand  in  the  family  Bible,  to  the  effect  that  "Augus 
tine  Washington  and  Mary  Ball  was  Married  the 
Sixth  of  March  i/fy.  Augustine  Washington  De 
parted  this  Life  ye  I2th  Day  of  April  1743,  Aged 
49  Years." 

The  mother,  Mary  Washington,  was  more  of  a 
factor,  though  chiefly  by  mere  length  of  life,  for  she 
lived  to  be  eighty-three,  and  died  but  ten  years 
before  her  son.  That  Washington  owed  his  personal 
appearance  to  the  Balls  is  true,  but  otherwise  the 
sentimentality  that  has  been  lavished  about  the 
relations  between  the  two  and  her  influence  upon 
him,  partakes  of  fiction  rather  than  of  truth.  After 
his  father's  death  the  boy  passed  most  of  his  time  at 
the  homes  of  his  two  elder  brothers,  and  this  was 
fortunate,  for  they  were  educated  men,  of  some  colo 
nial  consequence,  while  his  mother  lived  in  compara 
tively  straitened  circumstances,  was  illiterate  and 
untidy,  and,  moreover,  if  tradition  is  to  be  believed, 
smoked  a  pipe.  Her  course  with  the  lad  was  blamed 
by  a  contemporary  as  "fond  and  unthinking,"  and 
this  is  borne  out  by  such  facts  as  can  be  gleaned, 

2  I7 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

for  when  his  brothers  wished  to  send  him  to  sea  she 
made  "trifling  objections,"  and  prevented  his  taking 
what  they  thought  an  advantageous  opening  ;  when 
the  brilliant  offer  of  a  position  on  Braddock's  staff 
was  tendered  to  Washington,  his  mother,  "alarmed 
at  the  report,"  hurried  to  Mount  Vernon  and  en 
deavored  to  prevent  him  from  accepting  it ;  still 
again,  after  Braddock's  defeat,  she  so  wearied  her 
son  with  pleas  not  to  risk  the  dangers  of  another 
campaign  that  Washington  finally  wrote  her,  "It 
would  reflect  dishonor  upon  me  to  refuse  ;  and  that, 
I  am  sure,  must  or  ought  to  give  you  greater  uneasi 
ness,  than  my  going  in  an  honorable  command." 
After  he  inherited  Mount  Vernon  the  two  seem  to 
have  seen  little  of  each  other,  though,  when  occasion 
took  him  near  Fredericksburg,  he  usually  stopped  to 
see  her  for  a  few  hours,  or  even  for  a  night 

Though  Washington  always  wrote  to  his  mother 
as  "Honored  Madam,"  and  signed  himself  "your 
dutiful  and  aff  son,"  she  none  the  less  tried  him  not 
a  little.  He  never  claimed  from  her  a  part  of  the 
share  of  his  father's  estate  which  was  his  due  on 
becoming  of  age,  and,  in  addition,  "  a  year  or  two 
before  I  left  Virginia  (to  make  her  latter  days  com 
fortable  and  free  from  care)  I  did,  at  her  request,  but 
at  my  own  expence,  purchase  a  commodious  house, 
garden  and  Lotts  (of  her  own  choosing)  in  Freder 
icksburg,  that  she  might  be  near  my  sister  Lewis, 
her  only  daughter, — and  did  moreover  agree  to  take 
her  land  and  negroes  at  a  certain  yearly  rent,  to  be 
fixed  by  Colo  Lewis  and  others  (of  her  own  nomi 
nation)  which  has  been  an  annual  expence  to  me 

iS 


FAMILY   RELATIONS 

ever  since,  as  the  estate  never  raised  one  half  the 
rent  I  was  to  pay.  Before  I  left  Virginia  I  answered 
all  her  calls  for  money ;  and  since  that  period  have 
directed  my  steward  to  do  the  same."  Furthermore, 
he  gave  her  a  phaeton,  and  when  she  complained  of 
her  want  of  comfort  he  wrote  her,  "  My  house  is  at 
your  service,  and  [I]  would  press  you  most  sincerely 
and  most  devoutly  to  accept  it,  but  I  am  sure,  and 
candor  requires  me  to  say,  it  will  never  answer  your 
purposes  in  any  shape  whatsoever.  For  in  truth  it 
may  be  compared  to  a  well  resorted  tavern,  as 
scarcely  any  strangers  who  are  going  from  north  to 
south,  or  from  south  to  north,  do  not  spend  a  day  or 
two  at  it.  This  would,  were  you  to  be  an  inhabitant 
of  it,  oblige  you  to  do  one  of  3  things  :  1st,  to  be 
always  dressing  to  appear  in  company ;  2d,  to  come 
into  [the  room]  in  a  dishabille,  or  3d  to  be  as  it  were 
a  prisoner  in  your  own  chamber.  The  first  you' Id 
not  like  ;  indeed,  for  a  person  at  your  time  of  life  it 
would  be  too  fatiguing.  The  2d,  I  should  not  like, 
because  those  who  resort  here  are,  as  I  observed 
before,  strangers  and  people  of  the  first  distinction. 
And  the  3d,  more  than  probably,  would  not  be 
pleasing  to  either  of  us." 

Under  these  circumstances  it  was  with  real  indig 
nation  that  Washington  learned  that  complaints  of 
hers  that  she  "  never  lived  soe  poore  in  all  my  life" 
were  so  well  known  that  there  was  a  project  to  grant 
her  a  pension.  The  pain  this  caused  a  man  who 
always  showed  such  intense  dislike  to  taking  even 
money  earned  from  public  coffers,  and  who  refused 
everything  in  the  nature  of  a  gift,  can  easily  be  under- 

19 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

stood.  He  at  once  wrote  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  the 
Virginia  Assembly,  in  which,  after  reciting  enough  of 
what  he  had  done  for  her  to  prove  that  she  was 
under  no  necessity  of  a  pension, — "  or,  in  other  words, 
receiving  charity  from  the  public," — he  continued, 
"  But  putting  these  things  aside,  which  I  could  not 
avoid  mentioning  in  exculpation  of  a  presumptive 
want  of  duty  on  my  part ;  confident  I  am  that  she 
has  not  a  child  that  would  not  divide  the  last  six 
pence  to  relieve  her  from  real  distress.  This  she  has 
been  repeatedly  assured  of  by  me ;  and  all  of  us,  I  am 
certain,  would  feel  much  hurt,  at  having  our  mother 
a  pensioner,  while  we  had  the  means  of  supporting 
her  ;  but  in  fact  she  has  an  ample  income  of  her  own. 
I  lament  accordingly  that  your  letter,  which  con 
veyed  the  first  hint  of  this  matter,  did  not  come  to 
my  hands  sooner ;  but  I  request,  in  pointed  terms, 
if  the  matter  is  now  in  agitation  in  your  Assembly, 
that  all  proceedings  on  it  may  be  stopped,  or  in  case 
of  a  decision  in  her  favor,  that  it  may  be  done  away 
and  repealed  at  my  request" 

Still  greater  mortification  was  in  store  for  him, 
when  he  was  told  that  she  was  borrowing  and  ac 
cepting  gifts  from  her  neighbors,  and  learned  "  on 
good  authority  that  she  is,  upon  all  occasions  and  in 
all  companies,  complaining  ...  of  her  wants  and 
difficulties  ;  and  if  not  in  direct  terms,  at  least  by 
strong  innuendoes,  endeavors  to  excite  a  belief  that 
times  are  much  altered,  &c.,  &c.,  which  not  only  makes 
her  appear  in  an  unfavorable  point  of  view,  but  those 
also  who  are  connected  with  her."  To  save  her 
feelings  he  did  not  express  the  "  pain"  he  felt  to  her, 

20 


FAMILY  RELATIONS 

but  he  wrote  a  brother  asking  him  to  ascertain  if 
there  was  the  slightest  basis  in  her  complaints, 
and  "see  what  is  necessary  to  make  her  comfort 
able,"  for  "while  I  have  anything  I  will  part  with  it 
to  make  her  so  ;"  but  begging  him  "  at  the  same 
time  ...  to  represent  to  her  in  delicate  terms,  the 
impropriety  of  her  complaints,  and  acceptance  of 
favors,  even  when  they  are  voluntarily  offered,  from 
any  but  relations."  Though  he  did  not  "touch 
upon  this  subject  in  a  letter  to  her,"  he  was  enough 
fretted  to  end  the  renting  of  her  plantation,  not  be 
cause  "  I  mean  ...  to  withhold  any  aid  or  support 
I  can  give  from  you  ;  for  whilst  I  have  a  shilling  left, 
you  shall  have  part,"  but  because  "what  I  shall  then 
give,  I  shall  have  credit  for,"  and  not  be  "viewed  as 
a  delinquent,  and  considered  perhaps  by  the  world 
as  [an]  unjust  and  undutiful  son." 

In  the  last  years  of  her  life  a  cancer  developed, 
which  she  refused  to  have  "dressed,"  and  over 
which,  as  her  doctor  wrote  Washington,  the  "  Old 
Lady"  and  he  had  "a  small  battle  every  day." 
Once  Washington  was  summoned  by  an  express  to 
her  bedside  "  to  bid,  as  I  was  prepared  to  expect, 
the  last  adieu  to  an  honored  parent,"  but  it  was  a 
false  alarm.  Her  health  was  so  bad,  however,  that 
just  before  he  started  to  New  York  to  be  inaugu 
rated  he  rode  to  Fredericksburg,  "  and  took  a  final 
leave  of  my  mother,  never  expecting  to  see  her 
more,"  a  surmise  that  proved  correct 

Only  Elizabeth — or  "Betty" — of  Washington's 
sisters  grew  to  womanhood,  and  it  is  said  that  she 
was  so  strikingly  like  her  brother  that,  disguised  with 

21 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

a  long  cloak  and  a  military  hat,  the  difference  be 
tween  them  was  scarcely  detectable.  She  married 
Fielding  Lewis,  and  lived  at  "  Kenmore  House"  on 
the  Rappahannock,  where  Washington  spent  many  a 
night,  as  did  the  Lewises  at  Mount  Vernon.  During 
the  Revolution,  while  visiting  there,  she  wrote  her 
brother,  "Oh,  when  will  that  day  arrive  when  we 
shall  meet  again.  Trust  in  the  lord  it  will  be  soon, 
— till  when,  you  have  the  prayers  and  kind  wishes 
for  your  health  and  happiness  of  your  loving  and 
sincerely  affectionate  sister."  Her  husband  died 
"much  indebted,"  and  from  that  time  her  brother 
gave  her  occasional  sums  of  money,  and  helped  her 
in  other  ways. 

Her  eldest  son  followed  in  his  father's  footsteps,  and 
displeased  Washington  with  requests  for  loans.  He 
angered  him  still  more  by  conduct  concerning  which 
Washington  wrote  to  him  as  follows  : 

"  Sir,  Your  letter  of  the  I  ith  of  Octor.  never  came  to  my  hands  'till 
yesterday.  Altho'  your  disrespectful  conduct  towards  me,  in  coming 
into  this  country  and  spending  weeks  therein  without  ever  coming 
near  me,  entitled  you  to  very  little  notice  or  favor  from  me  ;  yet  I 
consent  that  you  may  get  timber  from  off  my  Land  in  Fauquier 
County  to  build  a  house  on  your  Lott  in  Rectertown.  Having 
granted  this,  now  let  me  ask  you  what  your  views  were  in  purchasing 
a  Lott  in  a  place  which,  I  presume,  originated  with  and  will  end  in 
two  or  three  Gin  shops,  which  probably  will  exist  no  longer  than 
they  serve  to  ruin  the  proprietors,  and  those  who  make  the  most 
frequent  applications  to  them.  I  am,  £c." 

Other  of  the  Lewis  boys  pleased  him  better,  and 
he  appointed  one  an  officer  in  his  own  "  Life  Guard." 
Of  another  he  wrote,  when  President,  to  his  sister, 
"  If  your  son  Howell  is  living  with  you,  and  not  use- 

22 


MRS.    FIELDING    LEWIS    (BETTY    WASHINGTON) 


FAMILY   RELATIONS 

fully  employed  in  your  own  affairs,  and  should  in 
cline  to  spend  a  few  months  with  me,  as  a  writer  in 
my  office  (if  he  is  fit  for  it)  I  will  allow  him  at  the 
rate  of  three  hundred  dollars  a  year,  provided  he  is 
diligent  in  discharging  the  duties  of  it  from  breakfast 
until  dinner — Sundays  excepted.  This  sum  will  be 
punctually  paid  him,  and  I  am  particular  in  declaring 
beforehand  what  I  require,  and  what  he  may  expect, 
that  there  may  be  no  disappointment,  or  false  expec 
tations  on  either  side.  He  will  live  in  the  family  in 
the  same  manner  his  brother  Robert  did."  This 
Robert  had  been  for  some  time  one  of  his  secretaries, 
and  at  another  time  was  employed  as  a  rent-col 
lector. 

Still  another  son,  Lawrence,  also  served  him  in 
these  dual  capacities,  and  Washington,  on  his  retire 
ment  from  the  Presidency,  offered  him  a  home  at 
Mount  Vernon.  This  led  to  a  marriage  with  Mrs. 
Washington's  grandchild,  Eleanor  Custis,  a  match 
which  so  pleased  Washington  that  he  made  arrange 
ments  for  Lawrence  to  build  on  the  Mount  Vernon 
estate,  in  his  will  named  him  an  executor,  and  left 
the  couple  a  part  of  this  property,  as  well  as  a  portion 
of  the  residuary  estate. 

As  already  noted,  much  of  Washington's  early  life 
was  passed  at  the  homes  of  his  elder  (half-)  brothers, 
Lawrence  and  Augustine,  who  lived  respectively  at 
Mount  Vernon  and  Wakefield.  When  Lawrence 
developed  consumption,  George  was  his  travelling 
companion  in  a  trip  to  Barbadoes,  and  from  him, 
when  he  died  of  that  disease,  in  1752,  came  the  be 
quest  of  Mount  Vernon  to  "  my  loveing  brother 

23 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

George."  To  Augustine,  in  the  only  letter  now  ex 
tant,  Washington  wrote,  "  The  pleasure  of  your  com 
pany  at  Mount  Vernon  always  did,  and  always  will 
afford  me  infinite  satisfaction,"  and  signed  himself 
"your  most  affectionate  brother."  Surviving  this 
brother,  he  left  handsome  bequests  to  all  his  children. 

Samuel,  the  eldest  of  his  own  brothers,  and  his 
junior  by  but  two  years,  though  constantly  corre 
sponded  with,  was  not  a  favorite.  He  seems  to  have 
had  extravagant  tendencies,  variously  indicated  by 
five  marriages,  and  by  (perhaps  as  a  consequence) 
pecuniary  difficulties.  In  1781,  Washington  wrote 
to  another  brother,  "  In  God's  name  how  did  my 
brother  Samuel  get  himself  so  enormously  in  debt?" 
Very  quickly  requests  for  loans  followed,  than  which 
nothing  was  more  irritating  to  Washington.  Yet, 
though  he  replied  that  it  would  be  "  very  inconve 
nient"  to  him,  his  ledger  shows  that  at  least  two 
thousand  dollars  were  advanced,  and  in  a  letter  to 
this  brother,  on  the  danger  of  borrowing  at  interest, 
Washington  wrote,  "  I  do  not  make  these  observations 
on  account  of  the  money  I  purpose  to  lend  you,  be 
cause  all  I  shall  require  is  that  you  return  the  net 
sum  when  in  your  power,  without  interest."  Better 
even  than  this,  in  his  will  Washington  discharged  the 
debt. 

To  the  family  of  Samuel,  Washington  was  equally 
helpful.  For  the  eldest  son  he  obtained  an  ensigncy, 
and  "to  save  Thornton  and  you  [Samuel]  the  ex- 
pence  of  buying  a  horse  to  ride  home  on,  I  have  lent 
him  a  mare."  Two  other  sons  he  assumed  all  the 
expenses  of,  and  showed  an  almost  fatherly  interest 

24 


FAMILY   RELATIONS 

in  them.  He  placed  them  at  school,  and  when  the 
lads  proved  somewhat  unruly  he  wrote  them  long 
admonitory  letters,  which  became  stern  when  actual 
misconduct  ensued,  and  when  one  of  them  ran  away 
to  Mount  Vernon  to  escape  a  whipping,  Washington 
himself  prepared  "  to  correct  him,  but  he  begged  so 
earnestly  and  promised  so  faithfully  that  there  should 
be  no  cause  for  complaint  in  the  future,  that  I  have 
suspended  punishment."  Later  the  two  were  sent 
to  college,  and  in  all  cost  Washington  "  near  five 
thousand  dollars." 

An  even  greater  trouble  was  their  sister  Harriot, 
whose  care  was  assumed  in  1785,  and  who  was  a 
member  of  Washington's  household,  with  only  a  slight 
interruption,  till  her  marriage  in  1796.  Her  chief 
failing  was  "  no  disposition  ...  to  be  careful  of  her 
cloathes,"  which  were  "dabbed  about  in  every  hole 
and  corner  and  her  best  things  always  in  use,"  so 
that  Washington  said  "she  costs  me  enough  !"  To 
her  uncle  she  wrote  on  one  occasion,  "  How  shall  I 
apologise  to  my  dear  and  Honor'd  for  intruding 
on  his  goodness  so  soon  again,  but  being  sensible  for 
your  kindness  to  me  which  I  shall  ever  remember 
with  the  most  heartfelt  gratitude  induces  me  to  make 
known  my  wants.  I  have  not  had  a  pair  of  stays 
since  I  first  came  here  :  if  you  could  let  me  have  a 
pair  I  should  be  very  much  obleiged  to  you,  and 
also  a  hat  and  a  few  other  articles.  I  hope  my  dear 
Uncle  will  not  think  me  extravagant  for  really  I  take 
as  much  care  of  my  cloaths  as  I  possibly  can." 
Probably  the  expense  that  pleased  him  best  in  her 
case  was  that  which  he  recorded  in  his  ledger  "  By 

25 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Miss  Harriot  Washington  gave  her  to  buy  wedding 
clothes  $100." 

His  second  and  favorite  brother,  John  Augustine, 
who  was  four  years  his  junior,  Washington  described 
as  "the  intimate  companion  of  my  youth  and  the 
friend  of  my  ripened  age."  While  the  Virginia 
colonel  was  on  the  frontier,  from  1754  to  1759,  he 
left  John  in  charge  of  all  his  business  affairs,  giving 
him  a  residence  at  and  management  of  Mount  Ver- 
non.  With  this  brother  he  constantly  corresponded, 
addressing  him  as  "Dear  Jack,"  and  writing  in  the 
most  intimate  and  affectionate  terms,  not  merely  to 
him,  but  when  John  had  taken  unto  himself  a  wife, 
to  her,  and  to  "  the  little  ones,"  and  signing  himself 
"your  loving  brother."  Visits  between  the  two  were 
frequent,  and  invitations  for  the  same  still  more 
so,  and  in  one  letter,  written  during  the  most  trying 
moment  of  the  Revolution,  Washington  said,  "  God 
grant  you  all  health  and  happiness.  Nothing  in  this 
world  could  contribute  so  to  mine  as  to  be  fixed 
among  you."  John  died  in  1787,  and  Washington 
wrote  with  simple  but  undisguised  grief  of  the  death 
of  "  my  beloved  brother." 

The  eldest  son  of  this  brother,  Bushrod,  was  his 
favorite  nephew,  and  Washington  took  much  interest 
in  his  career,  getting  the  lad  admitted  to  study  law 
with  Judge  James  Wilson,  in  Philadelphia,  and  taking 
genuine  pride  in  him  when  he  became  a  lawyer  and 
judge  of  repute.  He  made  this  nephew  his  travelling 
companion  in  the  Western  journey  of  1784,  and  at 
other  times  not  merely  sent  him  money,  but  wrote 
him  letters  of  advice,  dwelling  on  the  dangers  that 

26 


FAMILY   RELATIONS 

beset  young  men,  though  confessing  that  he  was 
himself  "  not  such  a  Stoic"  as  to  expect  too  much  of 
youthful  blood.  To  Bushrod,  also,  he  appealed  on 
legal  matters,  adding,  "You  may  think  me  an  un 
profitable  applicant  in  asking  opinions  and  requiring 
services  of  you  without  dousing  my  money,  but  pay 
day  may  come,"  and  in  this  he  was  as  good  as  his 
word,  for  in  his  will  Washington  left  Bushrod,  "partly 
in  consideration  of  an  intimation  to  his  deceased 
father,  while  we  were  bachelors  and  he  had  kindly 
undertaken  to  superintend  my  Estates,  during  my 
military  services  in  the  former  war  between  Great 
Britain  and  France,  that  if  I  should  fall  therein,  Mt. 
Vernon  .  .  .  should  become  his  property,"  the  home 
and  "  mansion-house  farm,"  one  share  of  the  resid 
uary  estate,  his  private  papers,  and  his  library,  and 
named  him  an  executor  of  the  instrument. 

Of  Washington's  relations  with  his  youngest 
brother,  Charles,  little  can  be  learned.  He  was  the 
last  of  his  brothers  to  die,  and  Washington  outlived 
him  so  short  a  time  that  he  was  named  in  his  will, 
though  only  for  a  mere  token  of  remembrance.  "  I 
add  nothing  to  it  because  of  the  ample  provision  I 
have  made  for  his  issue."  Of  the  children  so  men 
tioned,  Washington  was  particularly  fond  of  George 
Augustine  Washington.  As  a  mere  lad  he  used  his 
influence  to  procure  for  him  an  ensigncy  in  a  Virginia 
regiment,  and  an  appointment  on  Lafayette's  staff 
When  in  1784  the  young  fellow  was  threatened  with 
consumption,  his  uncle's  purse  supplied  him  with  the 
funds  by  which  he  was  enabled  to  travel,  even  while 
Washington  wrote,  "  Poor  fellow  !  his  pursuit  after 

27 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

health  is,  I  fear,  altogether  fruitless."  When  better 
health  came,  and  with  it  a  renewal  of  a  troth  with  a 
niece  of  Mrs.  Washington's,  the  marriage  was  made 
possible  by  Washington  appointing  the  young  fellow 
his  manager,  and  not  merely  did  it  take  place  at 
Mount  Vernon,  but  the  young  couple  took  up  their 
home  there.  More  than  this,  that  their  outlook  might 
be  "  more  stable  and  pleasing,"  Washington  promised 
them  that  on  his  death  they  should  not  be  forgotten. 
When  the  disease  again  developed,  Washington 
wrote  his  nephew  in  genuine  anxiety,  and  ended  his 
letter,  "At  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances 
you  and  yours  will  possess  my  affectionate  regards." 
Only  a  few  days  later  the  news  of  his  nephew's  death 
reached  him,  and  he  wrote  his  widow,  "  To  you  who 
so  well  know  the  affectionate  regard  I  had  for  our 
departed  friend,  it  is  unnecessary  to  describe  the  sor 
row  with  which  I  was  afflicted  at  the  news  of  his 
death."  He  asked  her  and  her  children  "to  return 
to  your  old  habitation  at  Mount  Vernon.  You  can 
go  to  no  place  where  you  can  be  more  welcome, 
nor  to  any  where  you  can  live  at  less  expence  and 
trouble,"  an  offer,  he  adds,  "made  to  you  with  my 
whole  heart."  Furthermore,  Washington  served  as 
executor,  assumed  the  expense  of  educating  one  of 
the  sons,  and  in  his  will  left  the  two  children  part  of 
the  Mount  Vernon  estate,  as  well  as  other  bequests, 
"  on  account  of  the  affection  I  had  for,  and  the  obli 
gation  I  was  under  to  their  father  when  living,  who 
from  his  youth  attached  himself  to  my  person,  and 
followed  my  fortunes  through  the  vicissitudes  of  the 
late  Revolution,  afterwards  devoting  his  time  for 

28 


FAMILY   RELATIONS 

many  years  whilst  my  public  employments  rendered 
it  impracticable  for  me  to  do  it  myself,  thereby 
affording  me  essential  services  and  always  perform 
ing  them  in  a  manner  the  most  filial  and  respectful." 

Of  his  wife's  kith  and  kin  Washington  was  equally 
fond.  Both  alone  and  with  Mrs.  Washington  he 
often  visited  her  mother,  Mrs.  Dandridge,  and  in 
1773  he  wrote  to  a  brother-in-law  that  he  wished  "I 
was  master  of  Arguments  powerful  enough  to  prevail 
upon  Mrs.  Dandridge  to  make  this  place  her  entire 
and  absolute  home.  I  should  think  as  she  lives  a 
lonesome  life  (Betsey  being  married)  it  might  suit  her 
well,  &  be  agreeable,  both  to  herself  &  my  Wife,  to 
me  most  assuredly  it  would."  Washington  was  also 
a  frequent  visitor  at  "  Eltham,"  the  home  of  Colonel 
Bassett,  who  had  married  his  wife's  sister,  and  con 
stantly  corresponded  with  these  relatives.  He  asked 
this  whole  family  to  be  his  guests  at  the  Warm  Springs, 
and,  as  this  meant  camping  out  in  tents,  he  wrote, 
11  You  will  have  occasion  to  provide  nothing,  if  I  can 
be  advised  of  your  intentions,  so  that  I  may  provide 
accordingly."  To  another  brother-in-law,  Barthol 
omew  Dandridge,  he  lent  money,  and  forgave  the 
debt  to  the  widow  in  his  will,  also  giving  her  the  use 
during  her  life  of  the  thirty-three  negroes  he  had 
bid  in  at  the  bankruptcy  sale  of  her  husband's  prop 
erty. 

The  pleasantest  glimpses  of  family  feeling  are 
gained,  however,  in  his  relations  with  his  wife's  chil 
dren  and  grandchildren.  John  Parke  and  Martha 
Parke  Custis — or  "Jack"  and  "  Patsey,"  as  he  called 
them — were  at  the  date  of  his  marriage  respectively 

29 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

six  and  four  years  of  age,  and  in  the  first  invoice  of 
goods  to  be  shipped  to  him  from  London  after  he 
had  become  their  step-father,  Washington  ordered 
"  10  shillings  worth  of  Toys,"  "6  little  books  for 
children  beginning  to  read,"  and  "  I  fashionable- 
dressed  baby  to  cost  IO  shillings."  When  this  latter 
shared  the  usual  fate,  he  further  wrote  for  "  I  fash 
ionable  dress  Doll  to  cost  a  guinea,"  and  for  "  A  box 
of  Gingerbread  Toys  &  Sugar  Images  or  Comfits." 
A  little  later  he  ordered  a  Bible  and  Prayer-Book  for 
each,  "neatly  bound  in  Turkey,"  with  names  "in 
gilt  letters  on  the  inside  of  the  cover,"  followed  ere 
long  by  an  order  for  "  I  very  good  Spinet."  As 
Patsy  grew  to  girlhood  she  developed  fits,  and 
"  solely  on  her  account  to  try  (by  the  advice  of  her 
Physician)  the  effect  of  the  waters  on  her  Complaint," 
Washington  took  the  family  over  the  mountains  and 
camped  at  the  "Warm  Springs"  in  1769,  with  "little 
benefit,"  for,  after  ailing  four  years  longer,  "she  was 
seized  with  one  of  her  usual  Fits  &  expired  in  it,  in 
less  than  two  minutes,  without  uttering  a  word,  or 
groan,  or  scarce  a  sigh."  "The  Sweet  Innocent  Girl," 
Washington  wrote,  "  entered  into  a  more  happy  & 
peaceful  abode  than  she  has  met  with  in  the  afflicted 
Path  she  has  hitherto  trod,"  but  none  the  less  "it  is  an 
easier  matter  to  conceive  than  to  describe  the  distress 
of  this  family"  at  the  loss  of  "dear  Patsy  Custis." 

The  care  of  Jack  Custis  was  a  worry  to  Washing 
ton  in  quite  another  way.  As  a  lad,  Custis  signed 
his  letters  to  him  as  "your  most  effectionate  and 
dutiful  son,"  "yet  I  conceive,"  Washington  wrote, 
"there  is  much  greater  circumspection  to  be  observed 

30 


JOHN    AND    MARTHA    PARKE   CUSTIS 


FAMILY   RELATIONS 

by  a  guardian  than  a  natural  parent."  Soon  after 
assuming  charge  of  the  boy,  a  tutor  was  secured, 
who  lived  at  Mount  Vernon,  but  the  boy  showed 
little  inclination  to  study,  and  when  fourteen,  Wash 
ington  wrote  that  "his  mind  [is]  .  .  .  more  turned 
...  to  Dogs,  Horses  and  Guns,  indeed  upon  Dress 
and  equipage."  "  Having  his  well  being  much  at 
heart,"  Washington  wished  to  make  him  "  fit  for 
more  useful  purposes  than  [a]  horse  racer,"  and  so 
Jack  was  placed  with  a  clergyman,  who  agreed  to  in 
struct  him,  and  with  him  he  lived,  except  for  some 
home  visits,  for  three  years.  Unfortunately,  the  lad, 
like  the  true  Virginian  planter  of  his  day,  had  no  taste 
for  study,  and  had  "a  propensity  for  the  [fair]  sex." 
After  two  or  three  flirtations,  he  engaged  himself, 
without  the  knowledge  of  his  mother  or  guardian,  to 
Nellie  Calvert,  a  match  to  which  no  objection  could 
be  made,  except  that,  owing  to  his  "youth  and 
fickleness,"  "he  may  either  change  and  therefore 
injure  the  young  lady;  or  that  it  may  precipitate  him 
into  a  marriage  before,  I  am  certain,  he  has  ever 
bestowed  a  serious  thought  of  the  consequences ;  by 
which  means  his  education  is  interrupted."  To 
avoid  this  danger,  Washington  took  his  ward  to  New 
York  and  entered  him  in  King's  College,  but  the 
death  of  Patsy  Custis  put  a  termination  to  study,  for 
Mrs.  Washington  could  not  bear  to  have  the  lad  at 
such  a  distance,  and  Washington  "  did  not  care,  as 
he  is  the  last  of  the  family,  to  push  my  opposition  too 
far."  Accordingly,  Jack  returned  to  Virginia  and 
promptly  married. 

The  young  couple  were  much  at  Mount  Vernon 
3' 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

from  this  time  on,  and  Washington  wrote  to  "  Dear 
Jack,"  "  I  am  always  pleased  with  yours  and  Nelly's 
abidance  at  Mount  Vernon."  When  the  winter 
snows  made  the  siege  of  Boston  purely  passive,  the 
couple  journeyed  with  Mrs.  Washington  to  Cam 
bridge,  and  visited  at  head-quarters  for  some  months. 
The  arrival  of  children  prevented  the  repetition  of 
such  visits,  but  frequent  letters,  which  rarely  failed 
to  send  love  to  "  Nelly  and  the  little  girls,"  were  ex 
changed.  The  acceptance  of  command  compelled 
Washington  to  resign  the  care  of  Custis's  estate,  for 
which  service  "  I  have  never  charged  him  or  his  sis 
ter,  from  the  day  of  my  connexion  with  them  to  this 
hour,  one  farthing  for  all  the  trouble  I  have  had  in 
managing  their  estates,  nor  for  any  expense  they 
have  been  to  me,  notwithstanding  some  hundreds  of 
pounds  would  not  reimburse  the  moneys  I  have  actu 
ally  paid  in  attending  the  public  meetings  in  Wil- 
liamsburg  to  collect  their  debts,  and  transact  these 
several  matters  appertaining  to  the  respective  es 
tates."  Washington,  however,  continued  his  advice 
as  to  its  management,  and  in  other  letters  advised 
him  concerning  his  conduct  when  Custis  was  elected 
a  member  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Delegates.  In 
the  siege  of  Yorktown  Jack  served  as  an  officer  of 
militia,  and  the  exposure  proved  too  much  for  him. 
Immediately  after  the  surrender,  news  reached  Wash 
ington  of  his  serious  illness,  and  by  riding  thirty  miles 
in  one  day  he  succeeded  in  reaching  Eltham  in 
"  time  enough  to  see  poor  Mr.  Custis  breath  his  last," 
leaving  behind  him  "  four  lovely  children,  three  girls 
and  a  boy." 

32 


FAMILY   RELATIONS 

Owing  to  his  public  employment,  Washington  re 
fused  to  be  guardian  for  these  "little  ones,"  writing 
"that  it  would  be  injurious  to  the  children  and  mad 
ness  in  me,  to  undertake,  as  a  principle,  a  trust  which 
I  could  not  discharge.  Such  aid,  however,  as  it  ever 
may  be  with  me  to  give  to  the  children  especially 
the  boy,  I  will  afford  with  all  my  heart,  and  on  this 
assurance  you  may  rely."  Yet  "from  their  earliest 
infancy"  two  of  Jack's  children,  George  Washington 
Parke  and  Eleanor  Parke  Custis,  lived  at  Mount 
Vernon,  for,  as  Washington  wrote  in  his  will,  "  it  has 
always  been  my  intention,  since  my  expectation  of 
having  issue  has  ceased,  to  consider  the  grandchildren 
of  my  wife  in  the  same  light  as  my  own  relations, 
and  to  act  a  friendly  part  by  them."  Though  the 
cares  of  war  prevented  his  watching  their  property 
interests,  his  eight  years'  absence  could  not  make 
him  forget  them,  and  on  his  way  to  Annapolis,  in 
1783,  to  tender  Congress  his  resignation,  he  spent 
sundry  hours  of  his  time  in  the  purchase  of  gifts 
obviously  intended  to  increase  the  joy  of  his  home 
coming  to  the  family  circle  at  Mount  Vernon  ;  set 
forth  in  his  note-book  as  follows  : 


By  Sundries  bo1,  in  Phila. 

A  Locket    

-    .    •  £$     5 

3  Small  Pockt.  Books  

...         I    10 

3  Sashes  

...       150 

Dress  Cap  

...        2      8 

Hatt    

...      3  10 

Handkerchief    

...      I 

Childrens  Books    

46 

Whirligig  

...            i  6 

Fiddle    

...            26 

Quadrille  Boxes    

...      i  17  6." 

3                                           33 

THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Indeed,  in  every  way  Washington  showed  how 
entirely  he  considered  himself  as  a  father,  not  merely 
speaking  of  them  frequently  as  "the  children,"  but 
even  alluding  to  himself  in  a  letter  to  the  boy  as 
"your  papa."  Both  were  much  his  companions 
during  the  Presidency.  A  frequent  sight  in  New 
York  and  Philadelphia  was  Washington  taking  "  ex 
ercise  in  the  coach  with  Mrs.  Washington  and  the 
two  children,"  and  several  times  they  were  taken  to 
the  theatre  and  on  picnics. 

For  Eleanor,  or  "Nelly,"  who  grew  into  a  great 
beauty,  Washington  showed  the  utmost  tenderness, 
and  on  occasion  interfered  to  save  her  from  her 
grandmother,  who  at  moments  was  inclined  to  be 
severe,  in  one  case  to  bring  the  storm  upon  himself. 
For  her  was  bought  a  "Forte  piano,"  and  later,  at 
the  cost  of  a  thousand  dollars,  a  very  fine  imported 
harpsichord,  and  one  of  Washington's  great  pleasures 
was  to  have  her  play  and  sing  to  him.  His  ledger 
constantly  shows  gifts  to  her  ranging  from  "The  Way 
worn  traveller,  a  song  for  Miss  Custis,"  to  "a  pr.  of 
gold  eardrops"  and  a  watch.  The  two  corresponded. 
One  letter  from  Washington  merits  quotation  : 

"  Let  me  touch  a  little  now  on  your  Georgetown  ball,  and  happy, 
thrice  happy,  for  the  fair  who  assembled  on  the  occasion,  that  there 
was  a  man  to  spare  ;  for  had  there  been  79  ladies  and  only  78  gen 
tlemen,  there  might,  in  the  course  of  the  evening  have  been  some 
disorder  among  the  caps  ;  notwithstanding  the  apathy  which  one  of 
the  company  entertains  for  the  ' youM  of  the  present  day,  and  her 
determination  *  Never  to  give  herself  a  moment's  uneasiness  on  ac 
count  of  any  of  them. '  A  hint  here  ;  men  and  women  feel  the 
same  inclinations  towards  each  other  now  that  they  always  have  done, 
and  which  they  will  continue  to  do  until  there  is  a  new  order  of 
things,  and  you,  as  others  have  done,  may  find,  perhaps,  that  the 

34 


ELEANOR  (NELLY)  CUSTIS 


FAMILY   RELATIONS 

passions  of  your  sex  are  easier  raised  than  allayed.  Do  not  there 
fore  boast  too  soon  or  too  strongly  of  your  insensibility  to,  or  resist 
ance  of,  its  powers.  In  the  composition  of  the  human  frame  there  is 
a  good  deal  of  inflammable  matter,  however  dormant  it  may  lie  for  a 
time,  and  like  an  intimate  acquaintance  of  yours,  when  the  torch  is 
put  to  it,  that  which  is  within  you  may  burst  into  a  blaze  ;  for  which 
reason  and  especially  too,  as  I  have  entered  upon  the  chapter  of  ad 
vices,  I  will  read  you  a  lecture  from  this  text." 

Not  long  after  this  was  written,  Nelly,  as  already 
mentioned,  was  married  at  Mount  Vernon  to  Wash 
ington's  nephew,  Lawrence  Lewis,  and  in  time  be 
came  joint-owner  with  her  husband  of  part  of  that 
place. 

As  early  as  1785  a  tutor  was  wanted  for  ''little 
Washington,"  as  the  lad  was  called,  and  Washington 
wrote  to  England  to  ask  if  some  "  worthy  man  of  the 
cloth  could  not  be  obtained,"  "for  the  boy  is  a  re 
markably  fine  one,  and  my  intention  is  to  give  him  a 
liberal  education."  His  training  became  part  of  the 
private  secretary's  duty,  both  at  Mount  Vernon  and 
New  York  and  Philadelphia,  but  the  lad  inherited  his 
father's  traits,  and  "  from  his  infancy  .  .  .  discovered 
an  almost  unconquerable  disposition  to  indolence." 
This  led  to  failures  which  gave  Washington  "  extreme 
disquietude,"  and  in  vain  he  "exhorted  him  in  the 
most  parental  and  friendly  manner."  Custis  would 
express  "sorrow  and  repentance"  and  do  no  better. 
Successively  he  was  sent  to  the  College  of  Phila 
delphia,  the  College  of  New  Jersey,  and  that  at  An- 
napolis,  but  from  each  he  was  expelled,  or  had  to 
be  withdrawn.  Irritating  as  it  must  have  been,  his 
guardian  never  in  his  letters  expressed  anything  but 
affection,  shielded  the  lad  from  the  anger  of  his  step- 

35 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

father,  and  saw  that  he  was  properly  supplied  with 
money,  of  which  he  asked  him  to  keep  a  careful  ac 
count, — though  this,  as  Washington  wrote,  was  "  not 
because  I  want  to  know  how  you  spend  your  money." 
After  the  last  college  failure  a  private  tutor  was  once 
more  engaged,  but  a  very  few  weeks  served  to  give 
Washington  "a  thorough  conviction  that  it  was  in  vain 
to  keep  Washington  Custis  to  any  literary  pursuits, 
either  in  a  public  Seminary  or  at  home,"  and,  as  the 
next  best  thing,  he  procured  him  a  cornetcy  in  the 
provisional  army.  Even  here,  balance  was  shown ;  for, 
out  of  compliment  and  friendship  to  Washington, 
"the  Major  Generals  were  desirous  of  placing  him 
as  lieutenant  in  the  first  instance  ;  but  his  age  con 
sidered,  I  thought  it  more  eligible  that  he  should 
enter  into  the  lowest  grade." 

In  this  connection  one  side  of  Washington's  course 
with  his  relations  deserves  especial  notice.  As  early 
as  1756  he  applied  for  a  commission  in  the  Virginia 
forces  for  his  brother,  and,  as  already  shown,  he 
placed  several  of  his  nephews  and  other  connections 
in  the  Revolutionary  or  provisional  armies.  But  he 
made  clear  distinction  between  military  and  civil  ap 
pointments,  and  was  very  scrupulous  about  the  lat 
ter.  When  his  favorite  nephew  asked  for  a  Federal 
appointment,  Washington  answered, — 

*  *  You  cannot  doubt  my  wishes  to  see  you  appointed  to  any  office 
of  honor  or  emolument  in  the  new  government,  to  the  duties  of 
which  you  are  competent ;  but  however  deserving  you  may  be  of 
the  one  you  have  suggested,  your  standing  at  the  bar  would  not  jus 
tify  my  nomination  of  you  as  attorney  to  the  Federal  District  Court 
in  preference  to  some  of  the  oldest  and  most  esteemed  general  court 
lawyers  in  your  State,  who  are  desirous  of  this  appointment.  My 

36 


FAMILY   RELATIONS 

political  conduct  in  nominations,  even  if  I  were  uninfluenced  by 
principle,  must  be  exceedingly  circumspect  and  proof  against  just 
criticism  ;  for  the  eyes  of  Argus  are  upon  me,  and  no  slip  will  pass 
unnoticed,  that  can  be  improved  into  a  supposed  partiality  for  friends 
or  relations." 

And  that  in  this  policy  he  was  consistent  is  shown 
by  a  letter  of  Jefferson,  who  wrote  to  an  office-seek 
ing  relative,  "The  public  will  never  be  made  to 
believe  that  an  appointment  of  a  relative  is  made  on 
the  ground  of  merit  alone,  uninfluenced  by  family 
views ;  nor  can  they  ever  see  with  approbation 
offices,  the  disposal  of  which  they  entrust  to  their 
Presidents  for  public  purposes,  divided  out  as  family 
property.  Mr.  Adams  degraded  himself  infinitely  by 
his  conduct  on  this  subject,  as  Genl.  Washington  had 
done  himself  the  greatest  honor.  With  two  such 
examples  to  proceed  by,  I  should  be  doubly  inex 
cusable  to  err." 

There  were  many  other  more  distant  relatives  with 
whom  pleasant  relations  were  maintained,  but 
enough  has  been  said  to  indicate  the  intercourse. 
Frequent  were  the  house-parties  at  Mount  Vernon, 
and  how  unstinted  hospitality  was  to  kith  and  kin 
is  shown  by  many  entries  in  Washington's  diary,  a 
single  one  of  which  will  indicate  the  rest :  "  I  set  out 
for  my  return  home — at  which  I  arrived  a  little  after 
noon — And  found  my  Brother  Jno  Augustine  his 
Wife  ;  Daughter  Milly,  &  Sons  Bushrod  &  Corbin, 
&  the  Wife  of  the  first.  Mr.  Willm  Washington  & 
his  Wife  and  4  Children." 

His  will  left  bequests  to  forty-one  of  his  own  and 
his  wife's  relations.  "  God  left  him  childless  that  he 
might  be  the  father  of  his  country." 

37 


II 


PHYSIQUE 

WRITING  to  his  London  tailor  for  clothes,  in  1 763, 
Washington  directed  him  to  "take  measure  of  a 
gentleman  who  wares  well-made  cloaths  of  the  fol 
lowing  size  :  to  wit,  6  feet  high  and  proportionably 
made — if  anything  rather  slender  than  thick,  for  a 
person  of  that  highth,  with  pretty  long  arms  and 
thighs.  You  will  take  care  to  make  the  breeches 
longer  than  those  you  sent  me  last,  and  I  would 
have  you  keep  the  measure  of  the  cloaths  you  now 
make,  by  you,  and  if  any  alteration  is  required  in  my 
next  it  shall  be  pointed  out."  About  this  time,  too, 
he  ordered  "6  pr.  Man's  riding  Gloves — rather  large 
than  the  middle  size,"  .  .  .  and  several  dozen  pairs 
of  stockings,  "to  be  long,  and  tolerably  large." 

The  earliest  known  description  of  Washington  was 
written  in  1 760  by  his  companion-in-arms  and  friend 
George  Mercer,  who  attempted  a  "portraiture"  in 
the  following  words  :  "  He  may  be  described  as  being 
as  straight  as  an  Indian,  measuring  six  feet  two 
inches  in  his  stockings,  and  weighing  175  pounds 
when  he  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  in 
1759.  His  frame  is  padded  with  well-developed 
muscles,  indicating  great  strength.  His  bones  and 
joints  are  large,  as  are  his  feet  and  hands.  He  is 
wide  shouldered,  but  has  not  a  deep  or  round  chest  ; 

3S 


PHYSIQUE 

is  neat  waisted,  but  is  broad  across  the  hips,  and 
has  rather  long  legs  and  arms.  His  head  is  well 
shaped  though  not  large,  but  is  gracefully  poised  on 
a  superb  neck.  A  large  and  straight  rather  than 
prominent  nose  ;  blue-gray  penetrating  eyes,  which 
are  widely  separated  and  overhung  by  a  heavy  brow. 
His  face  is  long  rather  than  broad,  with  high  round 
cheek  bones,  and  terminates  in  a  good  firm  chin. 
He  has  a  clear  though  rather  a  colorless  pale  skin, 
which  burns  with  the  sun.  A  pleasing,  benevolent, 
though  a  commanding  countenance,  dark  brown 
hair,  which  he  wears  in  a  cue.  His  mouth  is  large 
and  generally  firmly  closed,  but  which  from  time  to 
time  discloses  some  defective  teeth.  His  features 
are  regular  and  placid,  with  all  the  muscles  of  his 
face  under  perfect  control,  though  flexible  and  ex 
pressive  of  deep  feeling  when  moved  by  emotion. 
In  conversation  he  looks  you  full  in  the  face,  is 
deliberate,  deferential  and  engaging.  His  voice  is 
agreeable  rather  than  strong.  His  demeanor  at  all 
times  composed  and  dignified.  His  movements  and 
gestures  are  graceful,  his  walk  majestic,  and  he  is 
a  splendid  horseman." 

Dr.  James  Thacher,  writing  in  17/8,  depicted  him 
as  "  remarkably  tall,  full  six  feet,  erect  and  well  pro 
portioned.  The  strength  and  proportion  of  his  joints 
and  muscles,  appear  to  be  commensurate  with  the 
pre-eminent  powers  of  his  mind.  The  serenity  of 
his  countenance,  and  majestic  gracefulness  of  his 
deportment,  impart  a  strong  impression  of  that  dig 
nity  and  grandeur,  which  are  his  peculiar  character 
istics,  and  no  one  can  stand  in  his  presence  without 

39 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

feeling  the  ascendancy  of  his  mind,  and  associating 
with  his  countenance  the  idea  of  wisdom,  philan 
thropy,  magnanimity  and  patriotism.  There  is  a 
fine  symmetry  in  the  features  of  his  face,  indicative 
of  a  benign  and  dignified  spirit.  His  nose  is  straight, 
and  his  eye  inclined  to  blue.  He  wears  his  hair  in 
a  becoming  cue,  and  from  his  forehead  it  is  turned 
back  and  powdered  in  a  manner  which  adds  to  the 
military  air  of  his  appearance.  He  displays  a  native 
gravity,  but  devoid  of  all  appearance  of  ostentation." 
In  this  same  year  a  friend  wrote,  "General  Wash 
ington  is  now  in  the  forty-seventh  year  of  his  age ; 
he  is  a  well-made  man,  rather  large  boned,  and  has 
a  tolerably  genteel  address ;  his  features  are  manly 
and  bold,  his  eyes  of  a  bluish  cast  and  very  lively ; 
his  hair  a  deep  brown,  his  face  rather  long  and 
marked  with  the  small-pox  ;  his  complexion  sun 
burnt  and  without  much  color,  and  his  countenance 
sensible,  composed  and  thoughtful ;  there  is  a  re 
markable  air  of  dignity  about  him,  with  a  striking 
degree  of  gracefulness." 

In  1789  Senator  Maclay  saw  "him  as  he  really  is. 
In  stature  about  six  feet,  with  an  unexceptionable 
make,  but  lax  appearance.  His  frame  would  seem 
to  want  filling  up.  His  motions  rather  slow  than 
lively,  though  he  showed  no  signs  of  having  suffered 
by  gout  or  rheumatism.  His  complexion  pale,  nay, 
almost  cadaverous.  His  voice  hollow  and  indistinct, 
owing,  as  I  believe,  to  artificial  teeth  before  his 
upper  jaw,  which  occasions  a  flatness." 

From  frequent  opportunity  of  seeing  Washington 
between  1794  and  1797,  William  Sullivan  described 

40 


PHYSIQUE 

him  as  "  over  six  feet  in  stature ;  of  strong,  bony, 
muscular  frame,  without  fullness  of  covering,  well- 
formed  and  straight.  He  was  a  man  of  most  extraor 
dinary  strength.  In  his  own  house,  his  action  was 
calm,  deliberate,  and  dignified,  without  pretension 
to  gracefulness,  or  peculiar  manner,  but  merely  natu 
ral,  and  such  as  one  would  think  it  should  be  in  such 
a  man.  When  walking  in  the  street,  his  movement 
had  not  the  soldierly  air  which  might  be  expected. 
His  habitual  motions  had  been  formed,  long  before 
he  took  command  of  the  American  Armies,  in  the 
wars  of  the  interior  and  in  the  surveying  of  wilder 
ness  lands,  employments  in  which  grace  and  elegance 
were  not  likely  to  be  acquired.  At  the  age  of  sixty- 
five,  time  had  done  nothing  towards  bending  him 
out  of  his  natural  erectness.  His  deportment  was 
invariably  grave  ;  it  was  sobriety  that  stopped  short 
of  sadness." 

The  French  officers  and  travellers  supply  other 
descriptions.  The  Abbe  Robin  found  him  of  "  tall 
and  noble  stature,  well  proportioned,  a  fine,  cheer 
ful,  open  countenance,  a  simple  and  modest  carriage  ; 
and  his  whole  mien  has  something  in  it  that  interests 
the  French,  the  Americans,  and  even  enemies  them 
selves  in  his  favor." 

The  Marquis  de  Chastellux  wrote  enthusiastically, 
"In  speaking  of  this  perfect  whole  of  which  General 
Washington  furnishes  the  idea,  I  have  not  excluded 
exterior  form.  His  stature  is  noble  and  lofty,  he  is 
well  made,  and  exactly  proportionate  ;  his  physiog 
nomy  mild  and  agreeable,  but  such  as  to  render  it 
impossible  to  speak  particularly  of  any  of  his 

41 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

features,  so  that  in  quitting  him  you  have  only  the 
recollection  of  a  fine  face.  He  has  neither  a  grave 
nor  a  familiar  face,  his  brow  is  sometimes  marked 
with  thought,  but  never  with  inquietude ;  in  in 
spiring  respect  he  inspires  confidence,  and  his  smile 
is  always  the  smile  of  benevolence." 

To  this  description,  however,  Brissot  de  Warville 
took  exception,  and  supplied  his  own  picture  by 
writing  in  1791,  "You  have  often  heard  me  blame 
M.  Chastellux  for  putting  too  much  sprightliness  in 
the  character  he  has  drawn  of  this  general.  To 
give  pretensions  to  the  portrait  of  a  man  who  has 
none  is  truly  absurd.  The  General's  goodness  ap 
pears  in  his  looks.  They  have  nothing  of  that  bril 
liancy  which  his  officers  found  in  them  when  he  was 
at  the  head  of  his  army;  but  in  conversation  they 
become  animated.  He  has  no  characteristic  traits 
in  his  figure,  and  this  has  rendered  it  always  so  diffi 
cult  to  describe  it:  there  are  few  portraits  which 
resemble  him.  All  his  answers  are  pertinent ;  he 
shows  the  utmost  reserve,  and  is  very  diffident ;  but, 
at  the  same  time,  he  is  firm  and  unchangeable  in 
whatever  he  undertakes.  His  modesty  must  be 
very  astonishing,  especially  to  a  Frenchman." 

British  travellers  have  left  a  number  of  pen-por 
traits.  An  anonymous  writer  in  1790  declared  that 
in  meeting  him  "  it  was  not  necessary  to  announce 
his  name,  for  his  peculiar  appearance,  his  firm  fore 
head,  Roman  nose,  and  a  projection  of  the  lower 
jaw,  his  height  and  figure,  could  not  be  mistaken  by 
any  one  who  had  seen  a  full-length  picture  of  him, 
and  yet  no  picture  accurately  resembled  him  in  the 

42 


PHYSIQUE 

minute  traits  of  his  person.  His  features,  however, 
were  so  marked  by  prominent  characteristics,  which 
appear  in  all  likenesses  of  him,  that  a  stranger  could 
not  be  mistaken  in  the  man  ;  he  was  remarkably 
dignified  in  his  manners,  and  had  an  air  of  benignity 
over  his  features  which  his  visitant  did  not  expect, 
being  rather  prepared  for  sternness  of  countenance. 
.  .  .  his  smile  was  extraordinarily  attractive.  It 
was  observed  to  me  that  there  was  an  expression  in 
Washington's  face  that  no  painter  had  succeeded  in 
taking.  It  struck  me  no  man  could  be  better  formed 
for  command.  A  stature  of  six  feet,  a  robust,  but 
well-proportioned  frame,  calculated  to  sustain  fatigue, 
without  that  heaviness  which  generally  attends  great 
muscular  strength,  and  abates  active  exertion,  dis 
played  bodily  power  of  no  mean  standard.  A  light 
eye  and  full — the  very  eye  of  genius  and  reflection 
rather  than  of  blind  passionate  impulse.  His  nose 
appeared  thick,  and  though  it  befitted  his  other 
features,  was  too  coarsely  and  strongly  formed  to  be 
the  handsomest  of  its  class.  His  mouth  was  like  no 
other  that  I  ever  saw ;  the  lips  firm  and  the  under 
jaw  seeming  to  grasp  the  upper  with  force,  as  if  its 
muscles  were  in  full  action  when  he  sat  still." 

Two  years  later,  an  English  diplomat  wrote  of 
him,  "  His  person  is  tall  and  sufficiently  graceful  ; 
his  face  well  formed,  his  complexion  rather  pale, 
with  a  mild  philosophic  gravity  in  the  expression  of  it. 
In  his  air  and  manner  he  displays  much  natural  dig 
nity  ;  in  his  address  he  is  cold,  reserved,  and  even 
phlegmatic,  though  without  the  least  appearance  of 
haughtiness  or  ill-nature  ;  it  is  the  effect,  I  imagine, 

43 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

of  constitutional  diffidence.  That  caution  and  cir 
cumspection  which  form  so  striking  and  well  known 
a  feature  in  his  military,  and,  indeed,  in  his  political 
character,  is  very  strongly  marked  in  his  countenance, 
for  his  eyes  retire  inward  (do  you  understand  me  ?) 
and  have  nothing  of  fire  of  animation  or  openness  in 
their  expression." 

Wansey,  who  visited  Mount  Vernon  in  1795,  por 
trayed  "The  President  in  his  person"  as  "tall  and 
thin,  but  erect ;  rather  of  an  engaging  than  a  digni 
fied  presence.  He  appears  very  thoughtful,  is  slow 
in  delivering  himself,  which  occasions  some  to  con 
clude  him  reserved,  but  it  is  rather,  I  apprehend,  the 
effect  of  much  thinking  and  reflection,  for  there  is 
great  appearance  to  me  of  affability  and  accommo 
dation.  He  was  at  this  time  in  his  sixty-third  year 
.  .  .  but  he  has  very  little  the  appearance  of  age, 
having  been  all  his  life  long  so  exceeding  temperate." 

In  1/97,  Weld  wrote,  "his  chest  is  full;  and  his 
limbs,  though  rather  slender,  well  shaped  and  mus 
cular.  His  head  is  small,  in  which  respect  he  re 
sembles  the  make  of  a  great  number  of  his  country 
men.  His  eyes  are  of  a  light  grey  colour ;  and  in 
proportion  to  the  length  of  his  face,  his  nose  is  long. 
Mr.  Stewart,  the  eminent  portrait  painter,  told  me, 
that  there  were  features  in  his  face  totally  different 
from  what  he  ever  observed  in  that  of  any  other 
human  being  ;  the  sockets  for  the  eyes,  for  instance, 
are  larger  than  wrhat  he  ever  met  with  before,  and 
the  upper  part  of  the  nose  broader.  All  his  features, 
he  observed,  were  indicative  of  the  strongest  and 
most  ungovernable  passions,  and  had  he  been  born 

44 


PHYSIQUE 

in  the  forests,  it  was  his  opinion  that  he  would  have 
been  the  fiercest  man  among  the  savage  tribes." 

Other  and  briefer  descriptions  contain  a  few 
phrases  worth  quoting.  Samuel  Sterns  said,  "His 
countenance  commonly  carries  the  impression  of  a 
serious  cast ;"  Maclay,  that  "  the  President  seemed  to 
bear  in  his  countenance  a  settled  aspect  of  melan 
choly  ;"  and  the  Prince  de  Broglie  wrote,  "  His  pen 
sive  eyes  seem  more  attentive  than  sparkling,  but 
their  expression  is  benevolent,  noble  and  self- 
possessed."  Silas  Deane  in  1775  said  he  had  "a 
very  young  look  and  an  easy  soldier-like  air  and  ges 
ture,"  and  in  the  same  year  Curwen  mentioned  his 
"fine  figure"  and  "easy  and  agreeable  address." 
Nathaniel  Lawrence  noted  in  1783  that  "the  Gen 
eral  weighs  commonly  about  210  pounds."  After 
death,  Lear  reports  that  "  Doctor  Dick  measured  the 
body,  which  was  as  follows — In  length  6  ft.  3^ 
inches  exact.  Across  the  shoulders  1.9.  Across  the 
elbows  2.1."  The  pleasantest  description  is  Jeffer 
son's  :  "  His  person,  you  know,  was  fine,  his  stature 
exactly  what  one  would  wish,  his  deportment  easy, 
erect  and  noble." 

How  far  the  portraits  of  Washington  conveyed  his 
expression  is  open  to  question.  The  quotation 
already  given  which  said  that  no  picture  accurately 
resembled  him  in  the  minute  traits  of  his  person  is 
worth  noting.  Furthermore,  his  expression  varied 
much  according  to  circumstances,  and  the  painter 
saw  it  only  in  repose.  The  first  time  he  was  drawn, 
he  wrote  a  friend,  "Inclination  having  yielded  to 
Importunity,  I  am  now  contrary  to  all  expectation 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

under  the  hands  of  Mr.  Peale  ;  but  in  so  grave — so 
sullen  a  mood — and  now  and  then  under  the  influ 
ence  of  Morpheus,  when  some  critical  strokes  are 
making,  that  I  fancy  the  skill  of  this  Gentleman's 
Pencil  will  be  put  to  it,  in  describing  to  the  World 
what  manner  of  man  I  am."  This  passiveness  seems 
to  have  seized  him  at  other  sittings,  for  in  1785  he 
wrote  to  a  friend  who  asked  him  to  be  painted,  "  In 
for  a  penny,  in  for  a  Pound,  is  an  old  adage.  I  am 
so  hackneyed  to  the  touches  of  the  painter's  pencil 
that  I  am  now  altogether  at  their  beck  ;  and  sit  '  like 
Patience  on  a  monument,'  whilst  they  are  delineating 
the  lines  of  my  face.  It  is  a  proof,  among  many 
others,  of  what  habit  and  custom  can  accomplish. 
At  first  I  was  as  impatient  at  the  request,  and  as 
restive  under  the  operation,  as  a  colt  is  of  the 
saddle.  The  next  time  I  submitted  very  reluctantly, 
but  with  less  flouncing.  Now,  no  dray-horse  moves 
more  readily  to  his  thills  than  I  to  the  painter's 
chair."  His  aide,  Laurens,  bears  this  out  by  writing 
of  a  miniature,  "  The  defects  of  this  portrait  are, 
that  the  visage  is  too  long,  and  old  age  is  too 
strongly  marked  in  it.  He  is  not  altogether  mis 
taken,  with  respect  to  the  languor  of  the  general's 
eye  ;  for  altho'  his  countenance  when  affected  either 
by  joy  or  anger,  is  full  of  expression,  yet  when  the 
muscles  are  in  a  state  of  repose,  his  eye  certainly 
wants  animation." 

One  portrait  which  furnished  Washington  not  a 
little  amusement  was  an  engraving  issued  in  Lon 
don  in  1775,  when  interest  in  the  "rebel  General" 
was  great.  This  likeness,  it  is  needless  to  say,  was 

46 


FIRST  (FICTITIOUS)  ENGRAVED  PORTRAIT  OF  WASHINGTON 


PHYSIQUE 

entirely  spurious,  and  when  Reed  sent  a  copy  to 
head-quarters,  Washington  wrote  to  him,  "  Mrs. 
Washington  desires  I  will  thank  you  for  the  picture 
sent  her.  Mr.  Campbell,  whom  I  never  saw,  to  my 
knowledge,  has  made  a  very  formidable  figure  of 
the  Commander-in-chief,  giving  him  a  sufficient 
portion  of  terror  in  his  countenance." 

The  physical  strength  mentioned  by  nearly  every 
one  who  described  Washington  is  so  undoubted 
that  the  traditions  of  his  climbing  the  walls  of  the 
Natural  Bridge,  throwing  a  stone  across  the  Rap- 
pahannock  at  Fredericksburg,  and  another  into  the 
Hudson  from  the  top  of  the  Palisades,  pass  current 
more  from  the  supposed  muscular  power  of  the  man 
than  from  any  direct  evidence.  In  addition  to  this, 
Washington  in  1755  claimed  to  have  "  one  of  the 
best  of  constitutions,"  and  again  he  wrote,  "  for  my 
own  part  I  can  answer,  I  have  a  constitution  hardy 
enough  to  encounter  and  undergo  the  most  severe 
trials." 

This  vigor  was  not  the  least  reason  of  Washing 
ton's  success.  In  the  retreat  from  Brooklyn,  "for 
forty-eight  hours  preceeding  that  I  had  hardly 
been  off  my  horse,"  and  between  the  I3th  and 
the  1 9th  of  June  of  1777  "I  was  almost  constantly 
on  horseback."  After  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  as 
told  elsewhere,  he  passed  the  night  on  a  blanket ;  the 
first  night  of  the  siege  of  York  "he  slept  under  a 
mulberry  tree,  the  root  serving  for  a  pillow,"  and 
another  time  he  lay  "all  night  in  my  Great  Coat  & 
Boots,  in  a  birth  not  long  enough  for  me  by  the 
head,  &  much  cramped."  Besides  the  physical 

47 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

strain  there  was  a  mental  one.  During  the  siege 
of  Boston  he  wrote  that  "The  reflection  on  my 
situation  and  that  of  this  army,  produces  many  an 
uneasy  hour  when  all  around  me  are  wrapped  in 
sleep."  Humphreys  relates  that  at  Newburg  in 
1783  a  revolt  of  the  whole  army  seemed  imminent, 
and  "when  General  Washington  rose  from  bed  on 
the  morning  of  the  meeting,  he  told  the  writer  his 
anxiety  had  prevented  him  from  sleeping  one 
moment  the  preceeding  night."  Washington  ob 
served,  in  a  letter  written  after  the  Revolution, 
"strange  as  it  may  seem,  it  is  nevertheless  true, 
that  it  was  not  until  lately  I  could  get  the  better 
of  my  usual  custom  of  ruminating  as  soon  as  I 
awoke  in  the  morning,  on  the  business  of  the  en 
suing  day ;  and  of  my  surprise  at  finding,  after  re 
volving  many  things  in  my  mind  that  I  was  no 
longer  a  public  man,  or  had  any  thing  to  do  with 
public  transactions." 

Despite  his  strength  and  constitution,  Washington 
was  frequently  the  victim  of  illness.  What  diseases 
of  childhood  he  suffered  are  not  known,  but  pre 
sumably  measles  was  among  them,  for  when  his 
wife  within  the  first  year  of  married  life  had  an 
attack  he  cared  for  her  without  catching  the  com 
plaint.  The  first  of  his  known  illnesses  was  "Ague 
and  Feaver,  which  I  had  to  an  extremity"  about 
1 748,  or  when  he  was  sixteen. 

In  the  sea  voyage  to  Barbadoes  in  1751,  the 
seamen  told  Washington  that  "  they  had  never  seen 
such  weather  before,"  and  he  says  in  his  diary  that 
the  sea  "made  the  Ship  rowl  much  and  me  very 

48 


PHYSIQUE 

sick."  While  in  the  island,  he  went  to  dine  with  a 
friend  "with  great  reluctance,  as  the  small-pox  was 
in  his  family."  A  fortnight  later  Washington  "was 
strongly  attacked  with  the  small  Pox,"  which  con 
fined  him  for  nearly  a  month,  and,  as  already  noted, 
marked  his  face  for  life.  Shortly  after  the  return 
voyage  he  was  "taken  with  a  violent  pleurise,  which 
.  .  .  reduced  me  very  low." 

During  the  Braddock  march,  "immediately  upon 
our  leaving  the  camp  at  George's  Creek,  on  the 
1 4th,  .  .  .  I  was  seized  with  violent  fevers  and  pains 
in  my  head,  which  continued  without  intermission 
'till  the  23d  following,  when  I  was  relieved,  by  the 
General's  [Braddock]  absolutely  ordering  the  physi 
cians  to  give  me  Dr.  James'  powders  (one  of  the 
most  excellent  medicines  in  the  world),  for  it  gave 
me  immediate  ease,  and  removed  my  fevers  and 
other  complaints  in  four  days'  time.  My  illness 
was  too  violent  to  suffer  me  to  ride  ;  therefore  I  was 
indebted  to  a  covered  wagon  for  some  part  of  my 
transportation  ;  but  even  in  this  I  could  not  con 
tinue  far,  for  the  jolting  was  so  great,  I  was  left 
upon  the  road  with  a  guard,  and  necessaries,  to  wait 
the  arrival  of  Colonel  Dunbar's  detachment  which 
was  two  days'  march  behind  us,  the  General  giving 
me  his  word  of  honor,  that  I  should  be  brought  up, 
before  he  reached  the  French  fort.  This  promise, 
and  the  doctor's  threats,  that,  if  I  persevered  in  my 
attempts  to  get  on,  in  the  condition  I  was,  my  life 
would  be  endangered,  determined  me  to  halt  for  the 
above  detachment."  Immediately  upon  his  return 
from  that  campaign,  he  told  a  brother,  "I  am  not 
4  49 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

able,  were  I  ever  so  willing,  to  meet  you  in  town, 
for  I  assure  you  it  is  with  some  difficulty,  and  with 
much  fatigue,  that  I  visit  my  plantations  in  the 
Neck ;  so  much  has  a  sickness  of  five  weeks'  con 
tinuance  reduced  me." 

On  the  frontier,  towards  the  end  of  1757,  he  was 
seized  with  a  violent  attack  of  dysentery  and  fever, 
which  compelled  him  to  leave  the  army  and  retire 
to  Mount  Vernon.  Three  months  later  he  said,  "I 
have  never  been  able  to  return  to  my  command, 
.  .  .  my  disorder  at  times  returning  obstinately 
upon  me,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  all  the  sons  of 
^Esculapius,  whom  I  have  hitherto  consulted.  At 
certain  periods  I  have  been  reduced  to  great  ex 
tremity,  and  have  too  much  reason  to  apprehend 
an  approaching  decay,  being  visited  with  several 
symptoms  of  such  a  disease.  ...  I  am  now  under 
a  strict  regimen,  and  shall  set  out  tomorrow  for 
Williamsburg  to  receive  the  advice  of  the  best  phy 
sician  there.  My  constitution  is  certainly  greatly 
impaired,  and  .  .  .  nothing  can  retrieve  it,  but  the 
greatest  care  and  the  most  circumspect  conduct." 
It  was  in  this  journey  that  he  met  his  future  wife, 
and  either  she  or  the  doctor  cured  him,  for  nothing 
more  is  heard  of  his  approaching  "decay." 

In  1761  he  was  attacked  with  a  disease  which 
seems  incidental  to  new  settlements,  known  in  Vir 
ginia  at  that  time  as  the  "river  fever,"  and  a  hun 
dred  years  later,  farther  west,  as  the  "break-bone 
fever,"  and  which,  in  a  far  milder  form,  is  to-day 
known  as  malaria.  Hoping  to  cure  it,  he  went  over 
the  mountains  to  the  Warm  Springs,  being  "  much 


PHYSIQUE 

overcome  with  the  fatigue  of  the  ride  and  weather 
together.  However,  I  think  my  fevers  are  a  good 
deal  abated,  although  my  pains  grow  rather  worse, 
and  my  sleep  equally  disturbed.  What  effect  the 
waters  may  have  upon  me  I  can't  say  at  present, 
but  I  expect  nothing  from  the  air — this  certainly 
must  be  unwholesome.  I  purpose  staying  here  a 
fortnight  and  longer  if  benefitted."  After  writing 
this,  a  relapse  brought  him  "  very  near  my  last  gasp. 
The  indisposition  .  .  .  increased  upon  me,  and  I 
fell  into  a  very  low  and  dangerous  state.  I  once 
thought  the  grim  king  would  certainly  master  my 
utmost  efforts,  and  that  I  must  sink,  in  spite  of  a 
noble  struggle ;  but  thank  God,  I  have  now  got  the 
better  of  the  disorder,  and  shall  soon  be  restored,  I 
hope,  to  perfect  health  again." 

During  the  Revolution,  fortunately,  he  seems  to 
have  been  wonderfully  exempt  from  illness,  and  not 
till  his  retirement  to  Mount  Vernon  did  an  old 
enemy,  the  ague,  reappear.  In  1786  he  said,  in  a 
letter,  "I  write  to  you  with  a  very  aching  head  and 
disordered  frame.  .  .  .  Saturday  last,  by  an  im 
prudent  act,  I  brought  on  an  ague  and  fever  on 
Sunday,  which  returned  with  violence  Tuesday  and 
Thursday ;  and,  if  Dr.  Craik's  efforts  are  ineffectual 
I  shall  have  them  again  this  day."  His  diary  gives 
the  treatment :  "  Seized  with  an  ague  before  6  o'clock 
this  morning  after  having  laboured  under  a  fever  all 
night — Sent  for  Dr.  Craik  who  arrived  just  as  we 
were  setting  down  to  dinner ;  who,  when  he  thought 
my  fever  sufficiently  abated  gave  me  cathartick 
and  directed  the  Bark  to  be  applied  in  the  Morning. 

5' 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

September  2.  Kept  close  to  the  House  to  day, 
being  my  fit  day  in  course  least  any  exposure  might 
bring  it  on, — happily  missed  it.  September  14. 
At  home  all  day  repeating  dozes  of  Bark  of  which  I 
took  4  with  an  interval  of  2  hours  between." 

With  1787  a  new  foe  appeared  in  the  form  of  "  a 
rheumatic  complaint  which  has  followed  me  more 
than  six  months,  is  frequently  so  bad  that  it  is  some 
times  with  difficulty  I  can  raise  my  hand  to  my  head 
or  turn  myself  in  bed." 

During  the  Presidency  Washington  had  several 
dangerous  illnesses,  but  the  earliest  one  had  a  comic 
side.  In  his  tour  through  New  England  in  1789, 
so  Sullivan  states,  "  owing  to  some  mismanagement 
in  the  reception  ceremonials  at  Cambridge,  Wash 
ington  was  detained  a  long  time,  and  the  weather 
being  inclement,  he  took  cold.  For  several  days 
afterward  a  severe  influenza  prevailed  at  Boston 
and  its  vicinity,  and  was  called  the  Washington 
Influenza."  He  himself  writes  of  this  attack:  "  My 
self  much  disordered  by  a  cold,  and  inflammation  in 
the  left  eye." 

Six  months  later,  in  New  York,  he  was  "  indis 
posed  with  a  bad  cold,  and  at  home  all  day  writing 
letters  on  private  business,"  and  this  was  the  begin 
ning  of  "a  severe  illness,"  which,  according  to 
McVickar,  was  "  a  case  of  anthrax,  so  malignant  as 
for  several  days  to  threaten  mortification.  During 
this  period  Dr.  Bard  never  quitted  him.  On  one 
occasion,  being  left  alone  with  him,  General  Wash 
ington,  looking  steadily  in  his  face,  desired  his  can 
did  opinion  as  to  the  probable  termination  of  his 

52 


PHYSIQUE 

disease,  adding,  with  that  placid  firmness  which 
marked  his  address,  '  Do  not  flatter  me  with  vain 
hopes  ;  I  am  not  afraid  to  die,  and  therefore  can 
bear  the  worst !'  Dr.  Bard's  answer,  though  it 
expressed  hope,  acknowledged  his  apprehensions. 
The  President  replied,  '  Whether  to-night  or  twenty 
years  hence,  makes  no  difference.' '  It  was  of  this 
that  Maclay  wrote,  "  Called  to  see  the  President. 
Every  eye  full  of  tears.  His  life  despaired  of.  Dr. 
MacKnight  told  me  he  would  trifle  neither  with  his 
own  character  nor  the  public  expectation ;  his 
danger  was  imminent,  and  every  reason  to  expect 
that  the  event  of  his  disorder  would  be  unfortunate." 
During  his  convalescence  the  President  wrote  to 
a  correspondent,  "  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform 
you,  that  my  health  is  restored,  but  a  feebleness  still 
hangs  upon  me,  and  I  am  much  incommoded  by 
the  incision,  which  was  made  in  a  very  large  and 
painful  tumor  on  the  protuberance  of  my  thigh. 
This  prevents  me  from  walking  or  sitting.  How 
ever,  the  physicians  assure  me  that  it  has  had  a 
happy  effect  in  removing  my  fever,  and  will  tend 
very  much  to  the  establishment  of  my  general  health  ; 
it  is  in  a  fair  way  of  healing,  and  time  and  patience 
only  are  wanting  to  remove  this  evil.  I  am  able  to 
take  exercise  in  my  coach,  by  having  it  so  contrived 
as  to  extend  myself  the  full  length  of  it."  He  him 
self  seems  to  have  thought  this  succession  of  illness 
due  to  the  fatigues  of  office,  for  he  said, — 

"Public  meetings,  and  a  dinner  once  a  week  to  as  many  as  my 
table  will  hold,  with  the  references  to  and  from  the  different  depart 
ment  of  state  and  other  communications  with  all  parts  of  the  Union, 

53 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

are  as  much,  if  not  more,  than  I  am  able  to  undergo  ;  for  I  have 
already  had  within  less  than  a  year,  two  severe  attacks,  the  last 
worst  than  the  first.  A  third,  more  than  probable,  will  put  me  to 
sleep  with  my  fathers.  At  what  distance  this  may  be  I  know  not. 
Within  the  last  twelve  months  I  have  undergone  more  and  severer 
sickness,  than  thirty  preceding  years  afflicted  me  with.  Put  it  all 
together  I  have  abundant  reason,  however,  to  be  thankful  that  I  am 
so  well  recovered ;  though  I  still  feel  the  remains  of  the  violent 
affection  of  my  lungs  ;  the  cough,  pain  in  my  breast,  and  shortness 
in  breathing  not  having  entirely  left  me. ' ' 

While  at  Mount  Veriion  in  1794,  "an  exertion  to 
save  myself  and  horse  from  falling  among  the  rocks 
at  the  Lower  Falls  of  the  Potomac  (whither  I  went 
on  Sunday  morning  to  see  the  canal  and  locks),  .  .  . 
wrenched  my  back  in  such  a  manner  as  to  prevent 
my  riding  ;"  the  "  hurt"  "  confined  me  whilst  I  was  at 
Mount  Vernon,"  and  it  was  some  time  before  he 
could  "again  ride  with  ease  and  safety."  In  this 
same  year  Washington  was  operated  on  by  Dr. 
Tate  for  cancer, — the  same  disorder  from  which  his 
mother  had  suffered. 

After  his  retirement  from  office,  in  1798,  he  "was 
seized  with  a  fever,  of  which  I  took  little  notice 
until  I  was  obliged  to  call  for  the  aid  of  medicine  ; 
and  with  difficulty  a  remission  thereof  was  so  far  ef 
fected  as  to  dose  me  all  night  on  thursday  with  Bark — 
which  having  stopped  it,  and  weakness  only  remain 
ing,  will  soon  wear  off"  as  my  appetite  is  returning ;" 
and  to  a  correspondent  he  apologized  for  not  soonef 
replying,  and  pleaded  "  debilitated  health,  occa 
sioned  by  the  fever  wch.  deprived  me  of  20  Ibs.  of 
the  weight  I  had  when  you  and  I  were  at  Troy  Mills 
Scales,  and  rendered  writing  irksome." 

A  glance  at  Washington's  medical  knowledge  and 
54 


PHYSIQUE 

opinions  may  not  lack  interest  In  the  "  Rules 
of  civility"  he  had  taken  so  to  heart,  the  boy  had 
been  taught  that  "In  visiting  the  Sick,  do  not  Pres 
ently  play  the  Physician  if  you  be  not  Knowing 
therein,"  but  plantation  life  trained  every  man  to  a 
certain  extent  in  physicking,  and  the  yearly  invoice 
sent  to  London  always  ordered  such  drugs  as  were 
needed, — ipecacuanha,  jalap,  Venice  treacle,  rhubarb, 
diacordium,  etc.,  as  well  as  medicines  for  horses  and 
dogs.  In  1755  Washington  received  great  benefit 
from  one  quack  medicine,  "Dr.  James's  Powders;" 
he  once  bought  a  quantity  of  another,  "  Godfrey's 
Cordial ;"  and  at  a  later  time  Mrs.  Washington 
tried  a  third,  "Annatipic  Pills."  More  unenlight 
ened  still  was  a  treatment  prescribed  for  Patsy 
Custis,  when  "Joshua  Evans  who  came  here  last 
night,  put  a  [metal]  ring  on  Patsey  (for  Fits)."  A 
not  much  higher  order  of  treatment  was  Washington 
sending  for  Dr.  Laurie  to  bleed  his  wife,  and,  as 
his  diary  notes,  the  doctor  "  came  here,  I  may  add, 
drunk,"  so  that  a  night's  sleep  was  necessary  before 
the  service  could  be  rendered.  When  the  small-pox 
was  raging  in  the  Continental  Army,  even  Washing 
ton's  earnest  request  could  not  get  the  Virginia 
Assembly  to  repeal  a  law  which  forbade  inoculation, 
and  he  had  to  urge  his  wife  for  over  four  years  before 
he  could  bring  her  to  the  point  of  submitting  to  the 
operation.  One  quality  which  implies  greatness  is 
told  by  a  visitor,  who  states  that  in  his  call  "  an  allu 
sion  was  made  to  a  serious  fit  of  illness  he  had 
recently  suffered  ;  but  he  took  no  notice  of  it." 
Custis  notes  that  "his  aversion  to  the  use  of  medi- 

55 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

cine  was  extreme  ;  and,  even  when  in  great  suffering, 
it  was  only  by  the  entreaties  of  his  lady,  and  the 
respectful,  yet  beseeching  look  of  his  oldest  friend 
and  companion  in  arms  (Dr.  James  Craik)  that  he 
could  be  prevailed  upon  to  take  the  slightest  prep 
aration  of  medicine."  In  line  with  this  was  his 
refusal  to  take  anything  for  a  cold,  saying,  "  Let  it  go 
as  it  came,"  though  this  good  sense  was  apparently 
restricted  to  his  own  colds,  for  Watson  relates  that 
in  a  visit  to  Mount  Vernon  "  I  was  extremely  op 
pressed  by  a  severe  cold  and  excessive  coughing, 
contracted  by  the  exposure  of  a  harsh  journey.  He 
pressed  me  to  use  some  remedies,  but  I  declined 
doing  so.  As  usual,  after  retiring  my  coughing  in 
creased.  When  some  time  had  elapsed,  the  door 
of  my  room  was  gently  opened,  and,  on  drawing  my 
bed-curtains,  to  my  utter  astonishment,  I  beheld 
Washington  himself,  standing  at  my  bedside,  with  a 
bowl  of  hot  tea  in  his  hand." 

The  acute  attacks  of  illness  already  touched  upon 
by  no  means  represent  all  the  physical  debility  and 
suffering  of  Washington's  life.  During  the  Revolu 
tion  his  sight  became  poor,  so  that  in  1778  he  first  put 
on  glasses  for  reading,  and  Cobb  relates  that  in  the 
officers'  meeting  in  1783,  which  Washington  attended 
in  order  to  check  an  appeal  to  arms,  "When  the 
General  took  his  station  at  the  desk  or  pulpit,  which, 
you  may  recollect,  was  in  the  Temple,  he  took  out 
his  written  address  from  his  coat  pocket  and  then 
addressed  the  officers  in  the  following  manner : 
*  Gentlemen,  you  will  permit  me  to  put  on  my  spec 
tacles,  for  I  have  not  only  grown  gray,  but  almost 

56 


PHYSIQUE 

blind,  in  the  service  of  my  country.'  This  little 
address,  with  the  mode  and  manner  of  delivering  it, 
drew  tears  from  [many]  of  the  officers." 

Nor  did  his  hearing  remain  entirely  good.  Maclay 
noted,  at  one  of  the  President's  dinners  in  1789,  that 
"he  seemed  in  more  good  humor  than  I  ever  saw 
him,  though  he  was  so  deaf  that  I  believe  he  heard 
little  of  the  conversation,"  and  three  years  later  the 
President  is  reported  as  saying  to  Jefferson  that  he 
was  "  sensible,  too,  of  a  decay  of  his  hearing,  perhaps 
his  other  faculties  might  fall  off  and  he  not  be 
sensible  of  it." 

Washington's  teeth  were  even  more  troublesome. 
Mercer  in  1760  alluded  to  his  showing,  when  his 
mouth  was  open,  "some  defective  teeth,"  and  as 
early  as  1754  one  of  his  teeth  was  extracted.  From 
this  time  toothache,  usually  followed  by  the  extrac 
tion  of  the  guilty  member,  became  almost  of  yearly 
recurrence,  and  his  diary  reiterates,  with  verbal 
variations,  "indisposed  with  an  aching  tooth,  and 
swelled  and  inflamed  gum,"  while  his  ledger  con 
tains  many  items  typified  by  "To  Dr.  Watson  draw 
ing  a  tooth  5/«"  By  1789  he  was  using  false  teeth, 
and  he  lost  his  last  tooth  in  1795.  At  first  these 
substitutes  were  very  badly  fitted,  and  when  Stuart 
painted  his  famous  picture  he  tried  to  remedy  the 
malformation  they  gave  the  mouth  by  padding  under 
the  lips  with  cotton.  The  result  was  to  make  bad 
worse,  and  to  give,  in  that  otherwise  fine  portrait,  a 
feature  at  once  poor  and  unlike  Washington,  and 
for  this  reason  alone  the  Sharpless  miniature,  which 
in  all  else  approximates  so  closely  to  Stuart's  master- 

57 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

piece,  is  preferable.  In  1796  Washington  was  fur 
nished  with  two  sets  of  "sea-horse"  (i.e.,  hippopot 
amus)  ivory  teeth,  and  they  were  so  much  better 
fitted  that  the  distortion  of  the  mouth  ceased  to  be 
noticeable. 

Washington's  final  illness  began  December  12, 
1799,  in  a  severe  cold  taken  by  riding  about  his 
plantation  while  "rain,  hail  and  snow"  were  "falling 
alternately,  with  a  cold  wind."  When  he  came  in 
late  in  the  afternoon,  Lear  "  observed  to  him  that 
I  was  afraid  that  he  had  got  wet,  he  said  no  his 
great  coat  had  kept  him  dry  ;  but  his  neck  appeared 
to  be  wet  and  the  snow  was  hanging  on  his  hair." 
The  next  day  he  had  a  cold,  "  and  complained  of 
having  a  sore  throat,"  yet,  though  it  was  snowing, 
none  the  less  he  "went  out  in  the  afternoon  ...  to 
mark  some  trees  which  were  to  be  cut  down." 
"  He  had  a  hoarseness  which  increased  in  the  even 
ing  ;  but  he  made  light  of  it  as  he  would  never  take 
anything  to  carry  off  a  cold,  always  observing,  'let 
it  go  as  it  came."1  At  two  o'clock  the  following 
morning  he  was  seized  with  a  severe  ague,  and 
as  soon  as  the  house  was  stirring  he  sent  for  an 
overseer  and  ordered  the  man  to  bleed  him,  and 
about  half  a  pint  of  blood  was  taken  from  him. 
At  this  time  he  could  "swallow  nothing,"  "ap 
peared  to  be  distressed,  convulsed  and  almost  suf 
focated." 

There  can  be  scarcely  a  doubt  that  the  treatment 
of  his  last  illness  by  the  doctors  was  little  short  of 
murder.  Although  he  had  been  bled  once  already, 
after  they  took  charge  of  the  case  they  prescribed 

58 


PHYSIQUE 

"two  pretty  copious  bleedings,"  and  finally  a  third, 
"when  about  32  ounces  of  blood  were  drawn,"  or 
the  equivalent  of  a  quart.  Of  the  three  doctors, 
one  disapproved  of  this  treatment,  and  a  second 
wrote,  only  a  few  days  after  Washington's  death, 
to  the  third,  "you  must  remember"  Dr.  Dick  "was 
averse  to  bleeding  the  General,  and  I  have  often 
thought  that  if  we  had  acted  according  to  his  sug 
gestion  when  he  said,  'he  needs  all  his  strength — 
bleeding  will  diminish  it,'  and  taken  no  more  blood 
from  him,  our  good  friend  might  have  been  alive 
now.  But  we  were  governed  by  the  best  light 
we  had  ;  we  thought  we  were  right,  and  so  we  are 
justified." 

Shortly  after  this  last  bleeding  Washington  seemed 
to  have  resigned  himself,  for  he  gave  some  direc 
tions  concerning  his  will,  and  said,  "I  find  I  am 
going,"  and,  "smiling,"  added,  that,  "as  it  was  the 
debt  which  we  must  all  pay,  he  looked  to  the  event 
with  perfect  resignation."  From  this  time  on  "he 
appeared  to  be  in  great  pain  and  distress,"  and  said, 
"  Doctor,  I  die  hard,  but  I  am  not  afraid  to  go.  I 
believed  from  my  first  attack  that  I  should  not  sur 
vive  it."  A  little  later  he  said,  "I  feel  myself  going. 
I  thank  you  for  your  attention,  you  had  better  not 
take  any  more  trouble  about  me  ;  but  let  me  go  off 
quietly."  The  last  words  he  said  were,  "  'Tis  well." 
"About  ten  minutes  before  he  expired,  his  breathing 
became  much  easier — he  lay  quietly —  .  .  .  and 
felt  his  own  pulse.  .  .  .  The  general's  hand  fell 
from  his  wrist,  .  .  .  and  he  expired  without  a  strug 
gle  or  a  Sigh." 

59 


Ill 

EDUCATION 

THE  father  of  Washington  received  his  education 
at  Appleby  School  in  England,  and,  true  to  his 
alma  mater,  he  sent  his  two  elder  sons  to  the  same 
school.  His  death  when  George  was  eleven  pre 
vented  this  son  from  having  the  same  advantage, 
and  such  education  as  he  had  was  obtained  in  Vir 
ginia.  His  old  friend,  and  later  enemy,  Rev.  Jona 
than  Boucher,  said  that  "  George,  like  most  people 
thereabouts  at  that  time,  had  no  education  than 
reading,  writing  and  accounts  which  he  was  taught 
by  a  convict  servant  whom  his  father  bought  for  a 
schoolmaster;"  but  Boucher  managed  to  include  so 
many  inaccuracies  in  his  account  of  Washington,  that 
even  if  this  statement  were  not  certainly  untruthful  in 
several  respects,  it  could  be  dismissed  as  valueless. 

Born  at  Wakefield,  in  Washington  parish,  West 
moreland,  which  had  been  the  home  of  the  Wash- 
ingtons  from  their  earliest  arrival  in  Virginia,  George 
was  too  young  while  the  family  continued  there  to 
attend  the  school  which  had  been  founded  in  that 
parish  by  the  gift  of  four  hundred  and  forty  acres 
from  some  early  patron  of  knowledge.  When  the 
boy  was  about  three  years  old,  the  family  removed 
to  "Washington,"  as  Mount  Vernon  was  called 
before  it  was  renamed,  and  dwelt  there  from  1735 

60 


EDUCATION 

till  1/39,  when,  owing  to  the  burning  of  the  home 
stead,  another  remove  was  made  to  an  estate  on  the 
Rappahannock,  nearly  opposite  Fredericksburg. 

Here  it  was  that  the  earliest  education  of  George 
was  received,  for  in  an  old  volume  of  the  Bishop  of 
Exeter's  Sermons  his  name  is  written,  and  on  a  fly 
leaf  a  note  in  the  handwriting  of  a  relative  who 
inherited  the  library  states  that  this  "autograph  of 
George  Washington's  name  is  believed  to  be  the 
earliest  specimen  of  his  handwriting,  when  he  was 
probably  not  more  than  eight  or  nine  years  old." 
During  this  period,  too,  there  came  into  his  posses 
sion  the  "Young  Man's  Companion,"  an  English 
vade-mecum  of  then  enormous  popularity,  written 
"in  a  plain  and  easy  stile,"  the  title  states,  "that  a 
young  Man  may  attain  the  same,  without  a  Tutor." 
It  would  be  easier  to  say  what  this  little  book  did 
not  teach  than  to  catalogue  what  it  did.  How  to 
read,  write,  and  figure  is  but  the  introduction  to 
the  larger  part  of  the  work,  which  taught  one 
to  write  letters,  wills,  deeds,  and  all  legal  forms,  to 
measure,  survey,  and  navigate,  to  build  houses,  to 
make  ink  and  cider,  and  to  plant  and  graft,  how  to 
address  letters  to  people  of  quality,  how  to  doctor 
the  sick,  and,  finally,  how  to  conduct  one's  self  in 
company.  The  evidence  still  exists  of  how  carefully 
Washington  studied  this  book,  in  the  form  of  copy 
books,  in  which  are  transcribed  problem  after  prob 
lem  and  rule  after  rule,  not  to  exclude  the  famous 
Rules  of  civility,  which  biographers  of  Washington 
have  asserted  were  written  by  the  boy  himself. 
School-mates  thought  fit,  after  Washington  became 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

famous,  to  remember  his  "industry  and  assiduity  at 
school  as  very  remarkable,"  and  the  copies  certainly 
bear  out  the  statement,  but  even  these  prove  that 
the  lad  was  as  human  as  the  man,  for  scattered  here 
and  there  among  the  logarithms,  geometrical  prob 
lems,  and  legal  forms  are  crude  drawings  of  birds, 
faces,  and  other  typical  school-boy  attempts. 

From  this  book,  too,  came  two  qualities  which 
clung  to  him  through  life.  His  handwriting,  so 
easy,  flowing,  and  legible,  was  modelled  from  the 
engraved  "copy"  sheet,  and  certain  forms  of  spelling 
were  acquired  here  that  were  never  corrected,  though 
not  the  common  usage  of  his  time.  To  the  end  of 
his  life,  Washington  wrote  lie,  lye ;  liar,  lyar ;  ceiling, 
cieling ;  oil,  oyl ;  and  blue,  blew,  as  in  his  boyhood 
he  had  learned  to  do  from  this  book.  Even  in  his 
carefully  prepared  will,  "lye"  was  the  form  in  which 
he  wrote  the  word.  It  must  be  acknowledged  that, 
aside  from  these  errors  which  he  had  been  taught, 
through  his  whole  life  Washington  was  a  non-con 
formist  as  regarded  the  King's  English :  struggle 
as  he  undoubtedly  did,  the  instinct  of  correct 
spelling  was  absent,  and  thus  every  now  and  then 
a  verbal  slip  appeared  :  extravagence,  lettely  (for 
lately),  glew,  riffle  (for  rifle),  latten  (for  Latin), 
immagine,  winder,  rief  (for  rife),  oppertunity,  spirma 
citi,  yellow  oaker, — such  are  types  of  his  lapses  late 
in  life,  while  his  earlier  letters  and  journals  are  far 
more  inaccurate.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  how 
ever,  that  of  these  latter  we  have  only  the  draughts, 
which  were  undoubtedly  written  carelessly,  and  the 
two  letters  actually  sent  which  are  now  known,  and 

62 


The  Tounz  Mans  Companion.          77 
Eaf)  Copies  to  Write  by. 


0 


-I 


III 


OOfY    OF    PENMANSHIP    BY    WHICH    WASHINGTON'S    HANDWRITING 
WAS    FORMED 


EDUCATION 

the  text  of  his  surveys  before  he  was  twenty,  are 
quite  as  well  written  as  his  later  epistles. 

On  the  death  of  his  father,  Washington  went  to 
live  with  his  brother  Augustine,  in  order,  it  is  pre 
sumed,  that  he  might  take  advantage  of  a  good 
school  near  Wakefield,  kept  by  one  Williams ;  but 
after  a  time  he  returned  to  his  mother's,  and  attended 
the  school  kept  by  the  Rev.  James  Marye,  in  Fred- 
ericksburg.  It  has  been  universally  asserted  by  his 
biographers  that  he  studied  no  foreign  language, 
but  direct  proof  to  the  contrary  exists  in  a  copy  of 
Patrick's  Latin  translation  of  Homer,  printed  in 
1742,  the  fly-leaf  of  a  copy  of  which  bears,  in  a 
school-boy  hand,  the  inscription : 

"  Hunc  mihi  quaeso  (bone  Vir)  Libellum 
Redde,  si  forsan  tenues  repertum 
Ut  Scias  qui  sum  sine  fraude  Scriptum. 

Est  mihi  nomen, 

Georgio  Washington, 
George  Washington, 
Fredericksburg, 

Virginia." 

It  is  thus  evident  that  the  reverend  teacher  gave 
Washington  at  least  the  first  elements  of  Latin,  but 
it  is  equally  clear  that  the  boy,  like  most  others, 
forgot  it  with  the  greatest  facility  as  soon  as  he 
ceased  studying. 

The  end  of  Washington's  school-days  left  him,  if 
a  good  "cipherer,"  a  bad  speller,  and  a  still  worse 
grammarian,  but,  fortunately,  the  termination  of  in 
struction  did  not  by  any  means  end  his  education. 
From  that  time  there  is  to  be  noted  a  steady  im- 

63 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

provement  in  both  these  failings.  Pickering  stated 
that  "when  I  first  became  acquainted  with  the  Gen 
eral  (in  1777)  ms  writing  was  defective  in  grammar, 
and  even  spelling,  owing  to  the  insufficiency  of  his 
early  education  ;  of  which,  however,  he  gradually  got 
the  better  in  the  subsequent  years  of  his  life,  by  the 
official  perusal  of  some  excellent  models,  particularly 
those  of  Hamilton ;  by  writing  with  care  and  patient 
attention ;  and  reading  numerous,  indeed  multitudes 
of,  letters  to  and  from  his  friends  and  correspondents. 
This  obvious  improvement  was  begun  during  the 
war."  In  1785  a  contemporary  noted  that  "the 
General  is  remarked  for  writing  a  most  elegant 
letter,"  adding  that,  "like  the  famous  Addison,  his 
writing  excells  his  speaking,"  and  Jefferson  said  that 
"he  wrote  readily,  rather  diffusely,  in  an  easy  and 
correct  style.  This  he  had  acquired  by  conversation 
with  the  world,  for  his  education  was  merely  read 
ing,  writing  and  common  arithmetic,  to  which  he 
added  surveying  at  a  later  day." 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Washington  felt  his 
lack  of  education  very  keenly  as  he  came  to  act 
upon  a  larger  sphere  than  as  a  Virginia  planter.  "I 
am  sensible,"  he  wrote  a  friend,  of  his  letters,  "that 
the  narrations  are  just,  and  that  truth  and  honesty 
will  appear  in  my  writings ;  of  which,  therefore,  I 
shall  not  be  ashamed,  though  criticism  may  censure 
my  style."  When  his  secretary  suggested  to  him 
that  he  should  write  his  own  life,  he  replied,  "In  a 
former  letter  I  informed  you,  my  dear  Humphreys, 
that  if  I  had  talents  for  it,  I  have  not  leisure  to  turn 
my  thoughts  to  Commentaries.  A  consciousness  of 

64 


EDUCATION 

a  defective  education,  and  a  certainty  of  the  want 
of  time,  unfit  me  for  such  an  undertaking."  On 
being  pressed  by  a  French  comrade-in-arms  to  pay 
France  a  visit,  he  declined,  saying,  "  Remember,  my 
good  friend,  that  I  am  unacquainted  with  your 
language,  that  I  am  too  far  advanced  in  years  to  ac 
quire  a  knowledge  of  it,  and  that,  to  converse 
through  the  medium  of  an  interpreter  upon  common 
occasions,  especially  with  the  Ladies,  must  appear 
so  extremely  awkward,  insipid,  and  uncouth,  that  I 
can  scarce  bear  it  in  idea." 

In  1788,  without  previous  warning,  he  was  elected 
chancellor  of  William  and  Mary  College,  a  distinc 
tion  by  which  he  felt  "  honored  and  greatly  affected  ;" 
but  "not  knowing  particularly  what  duties,  or 
whether  any  active  services  are  immediately  ex 
pected  from  the  person  holding  the  office  of  chan 
cellor,  I  have  been  greatly  embarrassed  in  deciding 
upon  the  public  answer  proper  to  be  given.  .  .  . 
My  difficulties  are  briefly  these.  On  the  one  hand, 
nothing  in  this  world  could  be  farther  from  my  heart, 
than  ...  a  refusal  of  the  appointment  .  .  .  pro 
vided  its  duties  are  not  incompatible  with  the  mode 
of  life  to  which  I  have  entirely  addicted  myself ;  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  I  would  not  for  any  consideration 
disappoint  the  just  expectations  of  the  convocation 
by  accepting  an  office,  whose  functions  I  previously 
knew  ...  I  should  be  absolutely  unable  to  per 
form." 

Perhaps  the  most  touching  proof  of  his  own  self- 
depreciation  was  something  he  did  when  he  had 
become  conscious  that  his  career  would  be  written 
s  65 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

about  Still  in  his  possession  were  the  letter-books 
in  which  he  had  kept  copies  of  his  correspond 
ence  while  in  command  of  the  Virginia  regiment 
between  1754  and  1759,  and  late  in  life  he  went 
through  these  volumes,  and,  by  interlining  correc 
tions,  carefully  built  them  into  better  literary  form. 
How  this  was  done  is  shown  here  by  a  single  fac 
simile. 

With  the  appointment  to  command  the  Conti 
nental  Army,  a  secretary  was  secured,  and  in  an 
absence  of  this  assistant  he  complained  to  him  that 
"  my  business  increases  very  fast,  and  my  distresses 
for  want  of  you  along  with  it.  Mr.  Harrison  is  the 
only  gentleman  of  my  family,  that  can  afford  me 
the  least  assistance  in  writing.  He  and  Mr.  Moy- 
lan,  .  .  .  have  heretofore  afforded  me  their  aid  ;  and 
.  .  .  they  have  really  had  a  great  deal  of  trouble." 

Most  of  Washington's  correspondence  during 
the  Revolution  was  written  by  his  aides.  Pickering 
said, — 

"As  to  the  public  letters  bearing  his  signature,  it  is  certain  that 
he  could  not  have  maintained  so  extensive  a  correspondence  with 
his  own  pen,  even  if  he  had  possessed  the  ability  and  promptness  of 
Hamilton.  That  he  would,  sometimes  with  propriety,  observe 
upon,  correct,  and  add  to  any  draught  submitted  for  his  exami 
nation  and  signature,  I  have  no  doubt.  And  yet  I  doubt  whether 
many,  if  any,  of  the  letters  .  .  .  are  his  own  draught.  ...  I  have 
even  reason  to  believe  that  not  only  the  composition,  the  clothing  of 
the  ideas,  but  the  ideas  themselves,  originated  generally  with  the 
writers  ;  that  Hamilton  and  Harrison,  in  particular,  were  scarcely 
in  any  degree  his  amanuenses.  I  remember,  when  at  head-quarters 
one  day,  at  Valley  Forge,  Colonel  Harrison  came  down  from  the 
General's  chamber,  with  his  brows  knit,  and  thus  accosted  me,  *  I 
wish  to  the  Lord  the  General  would  give  me  the  heads  or  some  idea, 
of  what  he  would  have  me  write.'  " 

66 


. '.i  v *•  cj-r-n+ftfTOtsn^  t<rt  ^  fnt/ 

A  S* 


CORRECTED    LETTER    OF    WASHINGTON    SHOWING    LATER    CHANGES 


EDUCATION 

After  the  Revolution,  a  visitor  at  Mount  Vernon 
said,  "  It's  astonishing  the  packet  of  letters  that  daily 
comes  for  him  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  which 
employ  him  most  of  the  morning  to  answer."  A 
secretary  was  employed,  but  not  so  much  to  do  the 
actual  writing  as  the  copying  and  filing,  and  at  this 
time  Washington  complained  "  that  my  numerous 
correspondencies  are  daily  becoming  irksome  to 
me."  Yet  there  can  be  little  question  that  he  richly 
enjoyed  writing  when  it  was  not  for  the  public  eye. 
"It  is  not  the  letters  of  my  friends  which  give 
me  trouble,"  he  wrote  to  one  correspondent;  to 
another  he  said,  "  I  began  with  telling  you  that  1 
should  not  write  a  lengthy  letter  but  the  result  has 
been  to  contradict  it ;"  and  to  a  third,  "  when  I 
look  back  to  the  length  of  this  letter,  I  am  so  much 
astonished  and  frightened  at  it  myself  that  I  have 
not  the  courage  to  give  it  a  careful  reading  for  the 
purpose  of  correction.  You  must,  therefore,  re 
ceive  it  with  all  its  imperfections,  accompanied  with 
this  assurance,  that,  though  there  may  be  inaccu 
racies  in  the  letter,  there  is  not  a  single  defect  in  the 
friendship."  Occasionally  there  was,  as  here,  an 
apology :  "  I  am  persuaded  you  will  excuse  this 
scratch' d  scrawl,  when  I  assure  you  it  is  with  diffi 
culty  I  write  at  all,"  he  ended  a  letter  in  1777,  and 
in  1792  of  another  said,  "  You  must  receive  it  blotted 
and  scratched  as  you  find  it  for  I  have  not  time  to 
copy  it  It  is  now  ten  o'clock  at  night,  after  my 
usual  hour  for  retiring  to  rest,  and  the  mail  will  be 
closed  early  to-morrow  morning." 

To  his  overseer,  who  neglected  to  reply  to  some 
67 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

of  his  questions,  he  told  his  method  of  writing,  which 
is  worth  quoting : 

"  Whenever  I  set  down  to  write  you,  I  read  your  letter,  or  letters 
carefully  over,  and  as  soon  as  I  come  to  a  part  that  requires  to  be 
noticed,  I  make  a  short  note  on  the  cover  of  a  letter  or  piece  of 
waste  paper  ; — then  read  on  the  next,  noting  that  in  like  manner  ; — 
and  so  on  until  I  have  got  through  the  whole  letter  and  reports. 
Then  in  writing  my  letter  to  you,  as  soon  as  I  have  finished  what  I 
have  to  say  on  one  of  these  notes  I  draw  my  pen  through  it  and  pro 
ceed  to  another  and  another  until  the  whole  is  done — crossing  each 
as  I  go  on,  by  which  means  if  I  am  called  off  twenty  times  whilst  I 
am  writing,  I  can  never  with  these  notes  before  me  finished  or  un 
finished,  omit  anything  I  wanted  to  say ;  and  they  serve  me  also,  as 
I  keep  no  copies  of  letters  I  wrote  to  you,  as  Memorandums  of  what 
has  been  written  if  I  should  have  occasion  at  any  time  to  refer  to 
them." 

Another  indication  of  his  own  knowledge  of  de 
fects  is  shown  by  his  fear  about  his  public  papers. 
When  his  Journal  to  the  Ohio  was  printed  by  order 
of  the  governor,  in  1754,  in  the  preface  the  young 
author  said,  "I  think  I  can  do  no  less  than  apolo 
gize,  in  some  Measure,  for  the  numberless  imper 
fections  of  it  There  intervened  but  one  Day 
between  my  Arrival  in  Williamsburg,  and  the  Time 
for  the  Council's  Meeting,  for  me  to  prepare  and 
transcribe,  from  the  rough  Minutes  I  had  taken  in 
my  Travels,  this  Journal ;  the  writing  of  which  only 
was  sufficient  to  employ  me  closely  the  whole  Time, 
consequently  admitted  of  no  Leisure  to  consult  of  a 
new  and  proper  Form  to  offer  it  in,  or  to  correct  or 
amend  the  Diction  of  the  old."  Boucher  states 
that  the  publication,  "in  Virginia  at  least,  drew  on 
him  some  ridicule." 

This  anxiety  about  his  writings  was  shown  all 
68 


EDUCATION 

through  life,  and  led  Washington  to  rely  greatly  on 
such  of  his  friends  as  would  assist  him,  even  to  the 
point,  so  Reed  thought,  that  he  "  sometimes  adopted 
draughts  of  writing  when  his  own  would  have  been 
better  .  .  .  from  an  extreme  diffidence  in  himself," 
and  Pickering  said,  in  writing  to  an  aide, — 

"Although  the  General's  private  correspondence  was  doubtless, 
for  the  most  part,  his  own,  and  extremely  acceptable  to  the  persons 
addressed ;  yet,  in  regard  to  whatever  was  destined  to  meet  the 
public  eye,  he  seems  to  have  been  fearful  to  exhibit  his  own  compo 
sitions,  relying  too  much  on  the  judgment  of  his  friends,  and 
sometimes  adopted  draughts  that  were  exceptionable.  Some  parts 
of  his  private  correspondence  must  have  essentially  differed  from 
other  parts  in  the  style  of  composition.  You  mention  your  own  aids 
to  the  General  in  this  line.  Now,  if  I  had  your  draughts  before  me, 
mingled  with  the  General's  to  the  same  persons,  nothing  would  be 
more  easy  than  to  assign  to  each  his  own  proper  offspring.  You 
could  neither  restrain  your  courser,  nor  conceal  your  imagery,  nor 
express  your  ideas  otherwise  than  in  the  language  of  a  scholar.  The 
General's  compositions  would  be  perfectly  plain  and  didactic,  and 
not  always  correct." 

During  the  Presidency,  scarcely  anything  of  a 
public  nature  was  penned  by  Washington, — Hamil 
ton,  Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Randolph  acting  as 
his  draughtsmen.  "We  are  approaching  the  first 
Monday  in  December  by  hasty  strides,"  he  wrote 
to  Jefferson.  "  I  pray  you,  therefore,  to  revolve 
in  your  mind  such  matters  as  may  be  proper  for 
me  to  lay  before  Congress,  not  only  in  your  own 
department,  (if  any  there  be,)  but  such  others  of 
a  general  nature,  as  may  happen  to  occur  to  you, 
that  I  may  be  prepared  to  open  the  session  with 
such  communication,  as  shall  appear  to  merit  atten 
tion."  Two  years  later  he  said  to  the  same,  "I 

69 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

pray  you  to  note  down  or  rather  to  frame  into 
paragraphs  or  sections,  such  matters  as  may  occur 
to  you  as  fit  and  proper  for  general  communi 
cation  at  the  opening  of  the  next  session  of  Con 
gress,  not  only  in  the  department  of  state,  but  on 
any  other  subject  applicable  to  the  occasion,  that 
I  may  in  due  time  have  everything  before  me." 
To  Hamilton  he  wrote  in  1795,  "  Having  desired 
the  late  Secretary  of  State  to  note  down  every  mat 
ter  as  it  occurred,  proper  either  for  the  speech  at 
the  opening  of  the  session,  or  for  messages  after 
wards,  the  inclosed  paper  contains  everything  I 
could  extract  from  that  office.  Aid  me,  I  pray  you, 
with  your  sentiments  on  these  points,  and  such 
others  as  may  have  occurred  to  you  relative  to  my 
communications  to  Congress." 

The  best  instance  is  furnished  in  the  preparation 
of  the  Farewell  Address.  First  Madison  was  asked 
to  prepare  a  draft,  and  from  this  Washington  drew 
up  a  paper,  which  he  submitted  to  Hamilton  and 
Jay,  with  the  request  that  "even  if  you  should 
think  it  best  to  throw  the  whole  into  a  different 
form,  let  me  request,  notwithstanding,  that  my 
draught  may  be  returned  to  me  (along  with  yours) 
with  such  amendments  and  corrections  as  to  render 
it  as  perfect  as  the  formation  is  susceptible  of;  cur 
tailed  if  too  verbose  ;  and  relieved  of  all  tautology 
not  necessary  to  enforce  the  ideas  in  the  original  or 
quoted  part  My  wish  is  that  the  whole  may  ap 
pear  in  a  plain  style,  and  be  handed  to  the  public 
in  an  honest,  unaffected,  simple  part."  Accordingly, 
Hamilton  prepared  what  was  almost  a  new  instru- 


EDUCATION 

mcnt  in  form,  though  not  in  substance,  which, 
after  "  several  serious  and  attentive  readings,"  Wash 
ington  wrote  that  he  preferred  "  greatly  to  the  other 
draughts,  being  more  copious  on  material  points, 
more  dignified  on  the  whole,  and  with  less  egotism  ; 
of  course,  less  exposed  to  criticism,  and  better  cal 
culated  to  meet  the  eye  of  discerning  readers  (for 
eigners  particularly,  whose  curiosity  I  have  little 
doubt  will  lead  them  to  inspect  it  attentively,  and  to 
pronounce  their  opinions  on  the  performance)." 
The  paper  was  then,  according  to  Pickering,  "  put 
into  the  hands  of  Wolcott,  McHenry,  and  myself 
.  .  .  with  a  request  that  we  would  examine  it,  and 
note  any  alterations  and  corrections  which  we 
should  think  best  We  did  so  ;  but  our  notes,  as 
well  as  I  recollect,  were  very  few,  and  regarded 
chiefly  the  grammar  and  composition,"  Finally, 
Washington  revised  the  whole,  and  it  was  then  made 
public. 

Confirmatory  of  this  sense  of  imperfect  cultivation 
are  the  pains  he  took  that  his  adopted  son  and 
grandson  should  be  well  educated.  As  already 
noted,  tutors  for  both  were  secured  at  the  proper 
ages,  and  when  Jack  was  placed  with  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Boucher,  Washington  wrote :  "  In  respect  to  the 
lands,  &  manner  of  his  Studying  I  leave  it  wholely 
to  your  better  Judgment — had  he  begun,  or  rather 
pursued  his  study  of  the  Greek  Language,  I  should 
have  thought  it  no  bad  acquisition  ;  but  whether  if 
he  acquire  this  now,  he  may  not  forego  some  use 
ful  branches  of  learning,  is  a  matter  worthy  of  con 
sideration.  To  be  acquainted  with  the  French 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Tongue  is  become  part  of  polite  Education  ;  and  to 
a.  man  who  has  the  prospect  of  mixing  in  a  large 
Circle  absolutely  necessary.  Without  Arithmetick, 
the  common  affairs  of  Life  are  not  to  be  managed 
with  success.  The  study  of  Geometry,  and  the 
Mathematics  (with  due  regard  to  the  limites  of  it)  is 
equally  advantageous.  The  principles  of  Philosophy 
Moral,  Natural,  &c.  I  should  think  a  very  desirable 
knowledge  for  a  Gentleman."  So,  too,  he  wrote  to 
Washington  Custis,  "  I  do  not  hear  you  mention 
anything  of  geography  or  mathematics  as  parts  of 
your  study ;  both  these  are  necessary  branches  of 
useful  knowledge.  Nor  ought  you  to  let  your 
knowledge  of  the  Latin  language  and  grammatical 
rules  escape  you.  And  the  French  language  is  now 
so  universal,  and  so  necessary  with  foreigners,  or  in 
a  foreign  country,  that  I  think  you  would  be  inju 
dicious  not  to  make  yourself  master  of  it."  It  is 
worth  noting  in  connection  with  this  last  sentence 
that  Washington  used  only  a  single  French  expres 
sion  with  any  frequency,  and  that  he  always  wrote 
"  faupas." 

Quite  as  indicative  of  the  value  he  put  on  educa 
tion  was  the  aid  he  gave  towards  sending  his  young 
relatives  and  others  to  college,  his  annual  contribution 
to  an  orphan  school,  his  subscriptions  to  academies, 
and  his  wish  for  a  national  university.  In  1795  he 
said, — 

"  It  has  always  been  a  source  of  serious  reflection  and  sincere  re 
gret  with  me,  that  the  youth  of  the  United  States  should  be  sent  to 
foreign  countries  for  the  purpose  of  education.  .  .  .  For  this  reason 
I  have  greatly  wished  to  see  a  plan  adopted,  by  which  the  arts,  sci- 

72 


EDUCATION 

cnces,  and  belles-lettres  could  be  taught  in  their  fullest  extent, 
thereby  embracing  all  the  advantages  of  European  tuition,  with  the 
means  of  acquiring  the  liberal  knowledge,  which  is  necessary  to 
qualify  our  citizens  for  the  exigencies  of  public  as  well  as  private 
life ;  and  (which  with  me  is  a  consideration  of  great  magnitude)  by 
assembling  the  youth  from  the  different  parts  of  this  rising  republic, 
contributing  from  their  intercourse  and  interchange  of  information  to 
the  removal  of  prejudices,  which  might  perhaps  sometimes  arise 
from  local  circumstances." 


In  framing  his  Farewell  Address,  "  revolving  .  .  . 
on  the  various  matters  it  contained  and  on  the  first 
expression  of  the  advice  or  recommendation  which 
was  given  in  it,  I  have  regretted  that  another  subject 
(which  in  my  estimation  is  of  interesting  concern  to 
the  well-being  of  this  country)  was  not  touched  upon 
also  ;  I  mean  education  generally,  as  one  of  the 
surest  means  of  enlightening  and  giving  just  ways  of 
thinking  to  our  citizens,  but  particularly  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  university ;  where  the  youth  from  all 
parts  of  the  United  States  might  receive  the  polish 
of  erudition  in  the  arts,  sciences  and  belles-lettres." 
Eventually  he  reduced  this  idea  to  a  plea  for  the 
people  to  "promote,  then,  as  an  object  of  primary 
importance,  institutions  for  the  general  diffusion  of 
knowledge,"  because  "  in  proportion  as  the  structure 
of  a  government  gives  force  to  public  opinion,  it  is 
essential  that  public  opinion  should  be  enlightened." 
By  his  will  he  left  to  the  endowment  of  a  university 
in  the  District  of  Columbia  the  shares  in  the  Poto 
mac  Company  which  had  been  given  him  by  the 
State  of  Virginia,  but  the  clause  was  never  carried 
into  effect. 

It  was  in  1745  that  Washington's  school-days 
73 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

came  to  an  end.  His  share  of  his  father's  property 
being  his  mother's  till  he  was  twenty-one,  a  liveli 
hood  had  to  be  found,  and  so  at  about  fourteen 
years  of  age  the  work  of  life  began.  Like  a  true 
boy,  the  lad  wanted  to  go  to  sea,  despite  his  uncle's 
warning  "that  I  think  he  had  better  be  put  ap 
prentice  to  a  tinker  ;  for  a  common  sailor  before  the 
mast  has  by  no  means  the  liberty  of  the  subject ;  for 
they  will  press  him  from  a  ship  where  he  has  fifty 
shillings  a  month  ;  and  make  him  take  twenty-three, 
and  cut  and  slash,  and  use  him  like  a  negro,  or 
rather  like  a  dog."  His  mother,  however,  would 
not  consent,  and  to  this  was  due  his  becoming  a 
surveyor. 

From  his  "Young  Man's  Companion"  Washing 
ton  had  already  learned  the  use  of  Gunter's  rule 
and  how  it  should  be  used  in  surveying,  and  to 
complete  his  knowledge  he  seems  to  have  taken 
lessons  of  the  licensed  surveyor  of  Westmoreland 
County,  James  Genn,  for  transcripts  of  some  of  the 
surveys  drawn  by  Genn  still  exist  in  the  hand 
writing  of  his  pupil.  This  implied  a  distinct  and 
very  valuable  addition  to  his  knowledge,  and  a 
large  number  of  his  surveys  still  extant  are  marvels 
of  neatness  and  careful  drawing.  As  a  profession 
it  was  followed  for  only  four  years  (1747-1751), 
but  all  through  life  he  often  used  his  knowledge 
in  measuring  or  platting  his  own  property.  Far 
more  important  is  the  service  it  was  to  him  in 
public  life.  In  1755  he  sent  to  Braddock's  secre 
tary  a  map  of  the  "  back  country,"  and  to  the  gov 
ernor  of  Virginia  plans  of  two  forts.  During  the 

74 


EDUCATION 

Revolution  it  helped  him  not  merely  in  the  study 
of  maps,  but  also  in  the  facility  it  gave  him  to  take 
in  the  topographical  features  of  the  country.  Very 
largely,  too,  was  the  selection  of  the  admirable  site 
for  the  capital  due  to  his  supervising  :  all  the  plans 
for  the  city  were  submitted  to  him,  and  nowhere 
do  the  good  sense  and  balance  of  the  man  appear 
to  better  advantage  than  in  his  correspondence  with 
the  Federal  city  commissioners. 

In  Washington's  earliest  account-book  there  is  an 
item  when  he  was  sixteen  years  old,  "To  cash  pd 
ye  Musick  Master  for  my  Entrance  3/9."  It  is  com 
monly  said  that  he  played  the  flute,  but  this  is  as 
great  a  libel  on  him  as  any  Tom  Paine  wrote,  and 
though  he  often  went  to  concerts,  and  though  fond 
of  hearing  his  granddaughter  Nelly  play  and  sing, 
he  never  was  himself  a  performer,  and  the  above 
entry  probably  refers  to  the  singing-master  whom 
the  boys  and  girls  of  that  day  made  the  excuse  for 
evening  frolics. 

Mention  is  made  elsewhere  of  his  taking  lessons  in 
the  sword  exercise  from  Van  Braam  in  these  earlier 
years,  and  in  1756  he  paid  to  Sergeant  Wood, 
fencing-master,  the  sum  of  £1.1.6.  When  he  re 
ceived  the  offer  of  a  position  on  Braddock's  staff,  he 
acknowledged,  in  accepting,  that  "  I  must  be  ingenu 
ous  enough  to  confess,  that  I  am  not  a  little  biassed 
by  selfish  considerations.  To  explain,  Sir,  I  wish 
earnestly  to  attain  some  knowledge  in  the  military 
profession,  and,  believing  a  more  favorable  oppor 
tunity  cannot  offer,  than  to  serve  under  a  gentleman 
of  General  Braddock's  abilities  and  experience,  it 

75 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

does  .  .  .  not  a  little  contribute  to  influence  my 
choice."  Hamilton  is  quoted  as  saying  that  Wash 
ington  "  never  read  any  book  upon  the  art  of  war 
but  Sim's  Military  Guide,"  and  an  anonymous  author 
asserted  that  "he  never  read  a  book  in  the  art  of  war 
of  higher  value  than  Eland's  Exercises."  Certain  it 
is  that  nearly  all  the  military  knowledge  he  possessed 
was  derived  from  practice  rather  than  from  books, 
and  though,  late  in  life,  he  purchased  a  number  of 
works  on  the  subject,  it  was  after  his  army  service 
was  over. 

One  factor  in  Washington's  education  which  must 
not  go  unnoticed  was  his  religious  belief.  When 
only  two  months  old  he  was  baptized,  presumably 
by  the  Rev.  Lawrence  De  Butts,  the  clergyman  of 
Washington  parish.  The  removal  from  that  locality 
prevented  any  further  religious  influence  from  this 
clergyman,  and  it  probably  first  came  from  the  Rev. 
Charles  Green,  of  Truro  parish,  who  had  received  his 
appointment  through  the  friendship  of  Washington's 
father,  and  who  later  was  on  such  friendly  terms  with 
Washington  that  he  doctored  Mrs.  Washington  in 
an  attack  of  the  measles,  and  caught  and  returned 
two  of  his  parishioner's  runaway  slaves.  As  early 
as  1724  the  clergyman  of  the  parish  in  which  Mount 
Vernon  was  situated  reported  that  he  catechised 
the  youth  of  his  congregation  "  in  Lent  and  a  great 
part  of  the  Summer,"  and  George,  as  the  son  of  one 
of  his  vestrymen,  undoubtedly  received  a  due  amount 
of  questioning. 

From  1748  till  1759  there  was  little  church-going 
for  the  young  surveyor  or  soldier,  but  after  his  mar- 

76 


EDUCATION 

riage  and  settling  at  Mount  Vernon  he  was  elected 
vestryman  in  the  two  parishes  of  Truro  and  Fairfax, 
and  from  that  election  he  was  quite  active  in  church 
affairs.  It  may  be  worth  noting  that  in  the  elections 
of  1765  the  new  vestryman  stood  third  in  popularity 
in  the  Truro  church  and  fifth  in  that  of  Fairfax. 
He  drew  the  plans  for  a  new  church  in  Truro,  and 
subscribed  to  its  building,  intending  "to  lay  the 
foundation  of  a  family  pew,"  but  by  a  vote  of  the 
vestry  it  was  decided  that  there  should  be  no  private 
pews,  and  this  breach  of  contract  angered  Wash 
ington  so  greatly  that  he  withdrew  from  the  church 
in  1773.  Sparks  quotes  Madison  to  the  effect  that 
"  there  was  a  tradition  that,  when  he  [Washington] 
belonged  to  the  vestry  of  a  church  in  his  neighbor 
hood,  and  several  little  difficulties  grew  out  of  some 
division  of  the  society,  he  sometimes  spoke  with 
great  force,  animation,  and  eloquence  on  the  topics 
that  came  before  them."  After  this  withdrawal  he 
bought  a  pew  in  Christ  Church  in  Alexandria  (Fair 
fax  parish),  paying  ^36. 10,  which  was  the  largest 
price  paid  by  any  parishioner.  To  this  church  he 
was  quite  liberal,  subscribing  several  times  towards 
repairs,  etc. 

The  Rev.  Lee  Massey,  who  was  rector  at  Pohick 
(Truro)  Church  before  the  Revolution,  is  quoted  by 
Bishop  Meade  as  saying  that 

"  I  never  knew  so  constant  an  attendant  in  church  as  Washington. 
And  his  behavior  in  the  house  of  God  was  ever  so  deeply  reverential 
that  it  produced  the  happiest  effect  on  my  congregation,  and  greatly 
assisted  me  in  my  pulpit  labors.  No  company  ever  withheld  him 
from  church.  I  have  often  been  at  Mount  Vernon  on  Sabbath  morn 
ing,  when  his  breakfast  table  was  filled  with  guests ;  but  to  him  they 

77 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

furnished  no  pretext  for  neglecting  his  God  and  losing  the  satisfac 
tion  of  setting  a  good  example.  For  instead  of  staying  at  home,  out 
of  false  complaisance  to  them,  he  used  constantly  to  invite  them  to 
accompany  him." 

This  seems  to  have  been  written  more  with  an  eye 
to  its  influence  on  others  than  to  its  strict  accuracy. 
During  the  time  Washington  attended  at  Pohick 
Church  he  was  by  no  means  a  regular  church-goer. 
His  daily  "where  and  how  my  time  is  spent"  enables 
us  to  know  exactly  how  often  he  attended  church, 
and  in  the  year  1760  he  went  just  sixteen  times,  and 
in  1768  he  went  fourteen,  these  years  being  fairly 
typical  of  the  period  1760-1773.  During  the  Presi 
dency  a  sense  of  duty  made  him  attend  St.  Paul's  and 
Christ  churches  while  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia, 
but  at  Mount  Vernon,  when  the  public  eye  was 
not  upon  him,  he  was  no  more  regular  than  he 
had  always  been,  and  in  the  last  year  of  his  life  he 
wrote,  "  Six  days  do  I  labor,  or,  in  other  words,  take 
exercise  and  devote  my  time  to  various  occupations 
in  Husbandry,  and  about  my  mansion.  On  the 
seventh,  now  called  the  first  day,  for  want  of  a  place 
of  Worship  (within  less  than  nine  miles)  such  letters 
as  do  not  require  immediate  acknowledgment  I  give 
answers  to.  ...  But  it  hath  so  happened,  that  on 
the  two  last  Sundays — call  them  the  first  or  the  sev 
enth  as  you  please,  I  have  been  unable  to  perform 
the  latter  duty  on  account  of  visits  from  Strangers, 
with  whom  I  could  not  use  the  freedom  to  leave 
alone,  or  recommend  to  the  care  of  each  other,  for 
their  amusement." 

What  he  said  here  was  more  or  less  typical  of  his 
78 


EDUCATION 

whole  life.  Sunday  was  always  the  day  on  which 
he  wrote  his  private  letters, — even  prepared  his  in 
voices, — and  he  wrote  to  one  of  his  overseers  that  his 
letters  should  be  mailed  so  as  to  reach  him  Satur 
day,  as  by  so  doing  they  could  be  answered  the  fol 
lowing  day.  Nor  did  he  limit  himself  to  this,  for 
he  entertained  company,  closed  land  purchases, 
sold  wheat,  and,  while  a  Virginia  planter,  went  fox 
hunting,  on  Sunday.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however, 
that  he  considered  the  scruples  of  others  as  to  the 
day.  When  he  went  among  his  western  tenants, 
rent-collecting,  he  entered  in  his  diary  that,  it  "  being 
Sunday  and  the  People  living  on  my  Land  apparently 
very  religious,  it  was  thought  best  to  postpone  going 
among  them  till  tomorrow,"  and  in  his  journey 
through  New  England,  because  it  was  "  contrary  to 
the  law  and  disagreeable  to  the  People  of  this  State 
(Connecticut)  to  travel  on  the  Sabbath  day — and  my 
horses,  after  passing  through  such  intolerable  roads, 
wanting  rest,  I  stayed  at  Perkins'  tavern  (which,  by 
the  bye,  is  not  a  good  one)  all  day — and  a  meeting 
house  being  within  a  few  rods  of  the  door,  I  attended 
the  morning  and  evening  services,  and  heard  very 
lame  discourses  from  a  Mr.  Pond."  It  is  of  this  ex 
perience  that  tradition  says  the  President  started  to 
travel,  but  was  promptly  arrested  by  a  Connecticut 
tithing-man.  The  story,  however,  lacks  authenti 
cation. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  religious  intolerance 
was  not  a  part  of  Washington's  character.  In  1 775, 
when  the  New  England  troops  intended  to  celebrate 
Guy  Fawkes  day,  as  usual,  the  General  Orders  de- 

79 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

clared  that  "  as  the  Commander  in  chief  has  been 
apprised  of  a  design,  formed  for  the  observance  of 
that  ridiculous  and  childish  custom  of  burning  the 
effigy  of  the  Pope,  he  cannot  help  expressing  his 
surprise,  that  there  should  be  officers  and  soldiers 
in  this  army  so  void  of  common  sense,  as  not  to  see 
the  impropriety  of  such  a  step."  When  trying  to 
secure  some  servants,  too,  he  wrote  that  "if  they 
are  good  workmen,  they  may  be  from  Asia,  Africa, 
or  Europe ;  they  may  be  Mahometans,  Jews,  or 
Christians  of  any  sect,  or  they  may  be  Atheists." 
When  the  bill  taxing  all  the  people  of  Virginia  to 
support  the  Episcopal  Church  (his  own)  was  under 
discussion,  he  threw  his  weight  against  it,  as  far  as 
concerned  the  taxing  of  other  sectaries,  but  adding  : 

"  Although  no  man's  sentiments  are  more  opposed  to  any  kind  of 
restraint  upon  religious  principles  than  mine  are,  yet  I  must  confess, 
that  I  am  not  amongst  the  number  of  those,  who  are  so  much 
alarmed  at  the  thoughts  of  making  people  pay  towards  the  support 
of  that  which  they  profess,  if  of  the  denomination  of  Christians,  or 
to  declare  themselves  Jews,  Mahometans,  or  otherwise,  and  thereby 
obtain  proper  relief.  As  the  matter  now  stands,!  wish  an  assessment 
had  never  been  agitated,  and  as  it  has  gone  so  far,  that  the  bill  could 
die  an  easy  death ;  because  I  think  it  will  be  productive  of  more 
quiet  to  the  State,  than  by  enacting  it  into  a  law,  which  in  my 
opinion  would  be  impolitic,  admitting  there  is  a  decided  majority  for 
it,  to  the  disquiet  of  a  respectable  minority.  In  the  former  case, 
the  matter  will  soon  subside  ;  in  the  latter,  it  will  rankle  and  per 
haps  convulse  the  State." 

Again  in  a  letter  he  says, — 

"Of  all  the  animosities  which  have  existed  among  mankind,  those 
which  are  caused  by  difference  of  sentiments  in  religion  appear  to 
be  the  most  inveterate  and  distressing,  and  ought  most  to  be  depre 
cated.  I  was  in  hopes,  that  the  lightened  and  liberal  policy,  which 


EDUCATION 

has  marked  the  present  age,  would  at  least  have  reconciled  Chris 
tians  of  every  denomination  so  far,  that  we  should  never  again  see 
their  religious  disputes  carried  to  such  a  pitch  as  to  endanger  the 
peace  of  society." 

And  to  Lafayette,  alluding  to  the  proceedings  of 
the  Assembly  of  Notables,  he  wrote, — 

"  I  am  not  less  ardent  in  my  wish,  that  you  may  succeed  in  your 
plan  of  toleration  in  religious  matters.  Being  no  bigot  myself,  I  am 
disposed  to  indulge  the  professors  of  Christianity  in  the  church  with 
that  road  to  Heaven,  which  to  them  shall  seem  the  most  direci, 
plainest,  easiest,  and  least  liable  to  exception." 

What  Washington  believed  has  been  a  source  of 
much  dispute.  Jefferson  states  "that  Gouverneur 
Morris,  who  pretended  to  be  in  his  secrets,  and  be 
lieved  himself  to  be  so,  has  often  told  me  that  Gen 
eral  Washington  believed  no  more  of  that  system 
than  he  himself  did,"  and  Morris,  it  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  state,  was  an  atheist.  The  same 
authority  quotes  Rush,  to  the  effect  that  "  when  the 
clergy  addressed  General  Washington  on  his  de 
parture  from  the  government,  it  was  observed  in 
their  consultation,  that  he  had  never,  on  any  occa 
sion,  said  a  word  to  the  public  which  showed  a  belief 
in  the  Christian  religion,  and  they  thought  they 
should  so  pen  their  address,  as  to  force  him  at  length 
to  declare  publicly  whether  he  was  a  Christian  or  not. 
They  did  so.  But,  he  observed,  the  old  fox  was  too 
cunning  for  them.  He  answered  every  article  of 
their  address  particularly  except  that,  which  he  passed 
over  without  notice." 

Whatever  his  belief,  in  all  public  ways  Washing 
ton  threw  his  influence  in  favor  of  religion,  and  kept 

Si 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

what  he  really  believed  a  secret,  and  in  only  one 
thing  did  he  disclose  his  real  thoughts.  It  is  asserted 
that  before  the  Revolution  he  partook  of  the  sacra 
ment,  but  this  is  only  affirmed  by  hearsay,  and  better 
evidence  contradicts  it.  After  that  war  he  did  not, 
it  is  certain.  Nelly  Custis  states  that  on  "com 
munion  Sundays  he  left  the  church  with  me,  after 
the  blessing,  and  returned  home,  and  we  sent  the  car 
riage  back  for  my  grandmother."  And  the  assist 
ant  minister  of  Christ  Church  in  Philadelphia  states 
that— 

"  Observing  that  on  Sacrament  Sundays,  Gen'l  Washington,  im 
mediately  after  the  Desk  and  Pulpit  services,  went  out  with  the 
greater  part  of  the  congregation,  always  leaving  Mrs.  Washington 
with  the  communicants,  she  invariably  being  one,  I  considered  it 
my  duty,  in  a  sermon  on  Public  Worship,  to  state  the  unhappy  ten 
dency  of  example,  particularly  those  in  elevated  stations,  who  in 
variably  turned  their  backs  upon  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's 
Supper.  I  acknowledge  the  remark  was  intended  for  the  President, 
as  such,  he  received  it.  A  few  days  after,  in  conversation  with,  I 
believe,  a  Senator  of  the  U.  S.  he  told  me  he  had  dined  the  day  be 
fore  with  the  President,  who  in  the  course  of  the  conversation  at 
the  table,  said,  that  on  the  preceding  Sunday,  he  had  received  a 
very  just  reproof  from  the  pulpit,  for  always  leaving  the  church  be 
fore  the  administration  of  the  Sacrament ;  that  he  honored  the 
preacher  for  his  integrity  and  candour ;  that  he  had  never  considered 
the  influence  of  his  example  ;  that  he  would  never  again  give  cause 
for  the  repetition  of  the  reproof;  and  that,  as  he  had  never  been  a 
communicant,  were  he  to  become  one  then,  it  would  be  imputed  to 
an  ostentatious  display  of  religious  zeal  arising  altogether  from  his 
elevated  station.  Accordingly  he  afterwards  never  came  on  the 
morning  of  Sacrament  Sunday,  tho'  at  other  times,  a  constant  at 
tendant  in  the  morning." 

Nelly  Custis,  too,  tells  us  that  Washington  always 
"stood  during  the  devotional  part  of  the  service," 
and  Bishop  White  states  that  "his  behavior  was 

8* 


EDUCATION 

always  serious  and  attentive  ;  but,  as  your  letter 
seems  to  intend  an  inquiry  on  the  point  of  kneeling 
during  the  service,  I  owe  it  to  the  truth  to  declare, 
that  I  never  saw  him  in  the  said  attitude."  Prob 
ably  his  true  position  is  described  by  Madison,  who 
is  quoted  as  saying  that  he  did  "  not  suppose  that 
Washington  had  ever  attended  to  the  arguments  for 
Christianity,  and  for  the  different  systems  of  religion, 
or  in  fact  that  he  had  formed  definite  opinions  on 
the  subject  But  he  took  these  things  as  he  found 
them  existing,  and  was  constant  in  his  observances  of 
worship  according  to  the  received  forms  of  the 
Episcopal  Church,  in  which  he  was  brought  up." 

If  there  was  proof  needed  that  it  is  mind  and  not 
education  which  pushes  a  man  to  the  front,  it  is  to 
be  found  in  the  case  of  Washington.  Despite  his 
want  of  education,  he  had,  so  Bell  states,  "  an  ex 
cellent  understanding."  Patrick  Henry  is  quoted 
as  saying  of  the  members  of  the  Congress  of  17/4 — 
the  body  of  which  Adams  claimed  that  "  every 
man  in  it  is  a  great  man,  an  orator,  a  critic,  a  states 
man" — that  "if  you  speak  of  solid  information  and 
sound  judgment  Colonel  Washington  is  unquestion 
ably  the  greatest  man  on  the  floor ;"  while  Jefferson 
asserted  that  "his  mind  was  great  and  powerful, 
without  being  of  the  very  first  order  ;  his  penetra 
tion  strong,  though  not  so  acute  as  that  of  a  Newton, 
Bacon,  or  Locke  ;  and  as  far  as  he  saw,  no  judgment 
was  ever  sounder.  It  was  slow  in  operation,  being 
little  aided  by  invention  or  imagination,  but  sure  in 
conclusion." 


IV 

RELATIONS   WITH    THE    FAIR   SEX 

THE  book  from  which  Washington  derived  almost 
the  whole  of  his  education  warned  its  readers, — 

"  Young  Men  have  ever  more  a  special  care 
That  Womanish  Allurements  prove  not  a  snare ;" 

but,  however  carefully  the  lad  studied  the  rest,  this 
particular  admonition  took  little  root  in  his  mind. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Washington  during  the 
whole  of  his  life  had  a  soft  heart  for  women,  and 
especially  for  good-looking  ones,  and  both  in  his 
personal  intercourse  and  in  his  letters  he  shows  him 
self  very  much  more  at  ease  with  them  than  in  his 
relations  with  his  own  sex.  Late  in  life,  when  the 
strong  passions  of  his  earlier  years  were  under  bettei 
control,  he  was  able  to  write, — 

"  Love  is  said  to  be  an  involuntary  passion,  and  it  is,  therefore, 
contended  that  it  cannot  be  resisted.  This  is  true  in  part  only,  foi 
like  all  things  else,  when  nourished  and  supplied  plentifully  with 
aliment,  it  is  rapid  in  its  progress ;  but  let  these  be  withdrawn  and  it 
may  be  stifled  in  its  birth  or  much  stinted  in  its  growth.  For  ex 
ample,  a  woman  (the  same  may  be  said  of  the  other  sex)  all  beautiful 
and  accomplished  will,  while  her  hand  and  heart  are  undisposed  of, 
turn  the  heads  and  set  the  circle  in  which  she  moves  on  fire.  Let 
her  marry,  and  what  is  the  consequence  ?  The  madness  ceases  and 
all  is  quiet  again.  Why  ?  not  because  there  is  any  diminution  in 
the  charms  of  the  lady,  but  because  there  is  an  end  of  hope.  Hence 
it  follows,  that  love  may  and  therefore  ought  to  be  under  the  guidance 
of  reason,  for  although  we  cannot  avoid  first  impressions,  we  may 
assuredly  place  them  under  guard." 

84 


RELATIONS   WITH    THE    FAIR   SEX 

To  write  thus  in  one's  sixty-sixth  year  and  to 
practise  one's  theory  in  youth  were,  however,  very 
different  undertakings.  Even  while  discussing  love 
so  philosophically,  the  writer  had  to  acknowledge 
that  "in  the  composition  of  the  human  frame,  there 
is  a  good  deal  of  inflammable  matter,"  and  few  have 
had  better  cause  to  know  it.  When  he  saw  in  the 
premature  engagement  of  his  ward,  Jack  Custis,  the 
one  advantage  that  it  would  "  in  a  great  measure 
avoid  those  little  flirtations  with  other  young  ladies 
that  may,  by  dividing  the  attention,  contribute  not  a 
little  to  divide  the  affection,"  it  is  easy  to  think  of 
him  as  looking  back  to  his  own  boyhood,  and  re 
membering,  it  is  to  be  hoped  with  a  smile,  the  suf 
ferings  he  owed  to  pretty  faces  and  neatly  turned 
ankles. 

While  still  a  school-boy,  Washington  was  one  day 
caught  "romping  with  one  of  the  largest  girls," 
and  very  quickly  more  serious  likings  followed.  As 
early  as  1748,  when  only  sixteen  years  of  age,  his 
heart  was  so  engaged  that  while  at  Lord  Fairfax's 
and  enjoying  the  society  of  Mary  Gary  he  poured 
out  his  feelings  to  his  youthful  correspondents 
"Dear  Robin"  and  "Dear  John"  and  "Dear  Sally" 
as  follows : 

"  My  place  ot  Residence  is  at  present  at  His  Lordships  where  I 
might  was  my  heart  disengag'd  pass  my  time  very  pleasantly  as  theres 
a  very  agreeable  Young  Lady  Lives  in  the  same  house  (Colo  George 
Fairfax's  Wife's  Sister)  but  as  thats  only  adding  Fuel  to  fire  it  makes 
me  the  more  uneasy  for  by  often  and  unavoidably  being  in  Company 
with  her  revives  my  former  Passion  for  your  Low  Land  Beauty 
whereas  was  I  to  live  more  retired  from  young  Women  I  might  in 
some  measure  eliviate  my  sorrows  by  burying  that  chast  and  trouble- 

85 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

some  Passion  in  the  grave  of  oblivion  or  etarnall  forgetfulness  for  as 
I  am  very  well  assured  thats  the  only  antidote  or  remedy  that  I  shall 
be  releivd  by  or  only  recess  that  can  administer  any  cure  or  help  to  me 
as  I  am  well  convinced  was  I  ever  to  attempt  any  thing  I  should 
only  get  a  denial  which  would  be  only  adding  grief  to  uneasiness." 

"  Was  my  affections  disengaged  I  might  perhaps  form  some  pleasure 
in  the  conversation  of  an  agreeable  Young  Lady  as  theres  one  now 
Lives  in  the  same  house  with  me  but  as  that  is  only  nourishment  to 
my  former  affecn  for  by  often  seeing  her  brings  the  other  into  my 
remembrance  whereas  perhaps  was  she  not  often  &  (unavoidably) 
presenting  herself  to  my  view  I  might  in  some  measure  aliviate  my 
sorrows  by  burying  the  other  in  the  grave  of  Oblivion  I  am  well  con 
vinced  my  heart  stands  in  defiance  of  all  others  but  only  she  thats 
given  it  cause  enough  to  dread  a  second  assault  and  from  a  different 
Quarter  tho  I  well  know  let  it  have  as  many  attacks  as  it  will  from 
others  they  cant  be  more  fierce  than  it  has  been." 

**  I  Pass  the  time  of[f  ]  much  more  agreeabler  than  what  I  imagined 
I  should  as  there's  a  very  agrewable  Young  Lady  lives  in  the  same 
house  where  I  reside  (Colo  George  Fairfax's  Wife's  Sister)  that  in  a 
great  Measure  cheats  my  thoughts  altogether  from  your  Parts  I  could 
wish  to  be  with  you  down  there  with  all  my  heart  but  as  it  is  a  thing 
almost  Impractakable  shall  rest  myself  where  I  am  with  hopes  of 
shortly  having  some  Minutes  of  your  transactions  in  your  Parts  which 
will  be  very  welcomely  receiv'd." 

Who  this  "Low  Land  Beauty"  was  has  been  the 
source  of  much  speculation,  but  the  question  is  still 
unsolved,  every  suggested  damsel — Lucy  Grymes, 
Mary  Bland,  Betsy  Fauntleroy,  et  al. — being  either 
impossible  or  the  evidence  wholly  inadequate.  But 
in  the  same  journal  which  contains  the  draughts  of 
these  letters  is  a  motto  poem — 

"Twas  Perfect  Love  before 
But  Now  I  do  adore" — 

followed  by  the  words  "Young  M.  A.  his  W[ife?J," 
and  as  it  was  a  fashion  of  the  time  to  couple  the 
initials  of  one's  well-beloved  with  such  sentiments,  a 

86 


RELATIONS   WITH   THE   FAIR  SEX 

slight  clue  is  possibly  furnished.  Nor  was  this  the 
only  rhyme  that  his  emotions  led  to  his  inscribing  in 
his  journal :  and  he  confided  to  it  the  following  : 

"Oh  Ye  Gods  why  should  my  Poor  Resistless  Heart 

Stand  to  oppose  thy  might  and  Power 
At  Last  surrender  to  cupids  feather 'd  Dart 

And  now  lays  Bleeding  every  Hour 
For  her  that's  Pityless  of  my  grief  and  Woes 

And  will  not  on  me  Pity  take 
He  sleep  amongst  my  most  inveterate  Foes 

And  with  gladness  never  wish  to  wake 
In  deluding  sleepings  let  my  Eyelids  close 

That  in  an  enraptured  Dream  I  may 
In  a  soft  lulling  sleep  and  gentle  repose 

Possess  those  joys  denied  by  Day." 

However  woe-begone  the  young  lover  was,  he 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  wholly  lost  to  others  of 
the  sex,  and  at  this  same  time  he  was  able  to  indite 
an  acrostic  to  another  charmer,  which,  if  incom 
plete,  nevertheless  proves  that  there  was  a  "mid 
land"  beauty  as  well,  the  lady  being  presumptively 
some  member  of  the  family  of  Alexanders,  who  had 
a  plantation  near  Mount  Vernon. 

"  From  your  bright  sparkling  Eyes  I  was  undone  ; 
Rays,  you  have  ;  more  transperent  than  the  Sun, 
Amidst  its  glory  in  the  rising  Day 
None  can  you  equal  in  your  bright  array ; 
Constant  in  your  calm  and  unspotted  Mind  ; 
Equal  to  all,  but  will  to  none  Prove  kind, 
So  knowing,  seldom  one  so  Young,  you'l  Find. 

Ah  !  woe's  me,  that  I  should  Love  and  conceal 
Long  have  I  wish'd,  but  never  dare  reveal, 
Even  though  severely  Loves  Pains  I  feel ; 
Xerxes  that  great,  was't  free  from  Cupids  Dart, 
And  all  the  greatest  Heroes,  felt  the  smart." 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

When  visiting  Barbadoes,  in  1751,  Washington 
noted  in  his  journal  his  meeting  a  Miss  Roberts,  "an 
agreeable  young  lady,"  and  later  he  went  with  her 
to  see  some  fireworks  on  Guy  Fawkes  day.  Appar 
ently,  however,  the  ladies  of  that  island  made  little 
impression  on  him,  for  he  further  noted,  "  The  Ladys 
Generally  are  very  agreeable  but  by  ill  custom  or 
w[ha]t  effect  the  Negro  style."  This  sudden  insensi 
bility  is  explained  by  a  letter  he  wrote  to  William 
Fauntleroy  a  few  weeks  after  his  return  to  Virginia : 

"Sir :  I  should  have  been  down  long  before  this,  but  my  business 
in  Frederick  detained  me  somewhat  longer  than  I  expected,  and 
immediately  upon  my  return  from  thence  I  was  taken  with  a  violent 
Pleurise,  but  purpose  as  soon  as  I  recover  my  strength,  to  wait  on 
Miss  Betsy,  in  hopes  of  a  revocation  of  the  former  cruel  sentence, 
and  see  if  I  can  meet  with  any  alteration  in  my  favor.  I  have  en 
closed  a  letter  to  her,  which  should  be  much  obliged  to  you  for 
the  delivery  of  it.  I  have  nothing  to  add  but  my  best  respects  to 
your  good  lady  and  family,  and  that  I  am,  Sir,  Your  most  ob't 
humble  serv't." 

Because  of  this  letter  it  has  been  positively  asserted 
that  Betsy  Fauntleroy  was  the  Low-Land  Beauty  of 
the  earlier  time  ;  but  as  Washington  wrote  of  his  love 
for  the  latter  in  1 748,  when  Betsy  was  only  eleven, 
the  absurdity  of  the  claim  is  obvious. 

In  1753,  while  on  his  mission  to  deliver  the  gov 
ernor's  letter  to  the  French,  one  duty  which  fell  to 
the  young  soldier  was  a  visit  to  royalty,  in  the  person 
of  Queen  Aliquippa,  an  Indian  majesty  who  had 
"  expressed  great  Concern"  that  she  had  formerly 
been  slighted.  Washington  records  that  "I  made 
her  a  Present  of  a  Match-coat  and  a  Bottle  of  Rum  ; 
which  latter  was  thought  much  the  best  Present  of 

88 


RELATIONS   WITH    THE   FAIR  SEX 

the  Two,"  and  thus  (externally  and  internally)  re 
stored  warmth  to  her  majesty's  feelings. 

When  returned  from  his  first  campaign,  and  rest 
ing  at  Mount  Vernon,  the  time  seems  to  have  been 
beguiled  by  some  charmer,  for  one  of  Washington's 
officers  and  intimates  writes  from  Williamsburg,  "  I 
imagine  you  By  this  time  plung'd  in  the  midst  of 
delight  heaven  can  afford  &  enchanted  By  Charmes 
even  Stranger  to  the  Ciprian  Dame,"  and  a  foot 
note  by  the  same  hand  only  excites  further  curiosity 
concerning  this  latter  personage  by  indefinitely 
naming  her  as  "  Mrs.  Neil." 

With  whatever  heart-affairs  the  winter  was  passed, 
with  the  spring  the  young  man's  fancy  turned  not  to 
love,  but  again  to  war,  and  only  when  the  defeat  of 
Braddock  brought  \Vashington  back  to  Mount  Ver 
non  to  recover  from  the  fatigues  of  that  campaign 
was  his  intercourse  with  the  gentler  sex  resumed. 
Now,  however,  he  was  not  merely  a  good-looking 
young  fellow,  but  was  a  hero  who  had  had  horses 
shot  from  under  him  and  had  stood  firm  when  scar 
let-coated  men  had  run  away.  No  longer  did  he 
have  to  sue  for  the  favor  of  the  fair  ones,  and  Fair 
fax  wrote  him  that  "  if  a  Satterday  Nights  Rest  can 
not  be  sufficient  to  enable  your  coming  hither 
tomorrow,  the  Lady's  will  try  to  get  Horses  to 
equip  our  Chair  or  attempt  their  strength  on  Foot  to 
Salute  you,  so  desirous  are  they  with  loving  Speed 
to  have  an  occular  Demonstration  of  your  being  the 
same  Identical  Gent — that  lately  departed  to  de 
fend  his  Country's  Cause."  Furthermore,  to  this 
letter  was  appended  the  following  : 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

"DEAR  SIR, — After  thanking  Heaven  for  your  safe  return  I  must 
accuse  you  of  great  unkindness  in  refusing  us  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
you  this  night.  I  do  assure  you  nothing  but  our  being  satisfied  that 
our  company  would  be  disagreeable  should  prevent  us  from  trying 
if  our  Legs  would  not  carry  us  to  Mount  Vernon  this  night,  but  if 
you  will  not  come  to  us  tomorrow  morning  very  early  we  shall  be 
at  Mount  Vernon. 

"S[ALLY]  FAIRFAX, 
"ANN  SPEARING. 
"ELIZ'TH  DENT." 

Nor  is  this  the  only  feminine  postscript  of  this 
time,  for  in  the  postscript  of  a  letter  from  Archibald 
Gary,  a  leading  Virginian,  he  is  told  that  "  Mrs. 
Gary  &  Miss  Randolph  joyn  in  wishing  you  that  sort 
of  Glory  which  will  most  Indear  you  to  the  Fair 
Sex." 

In  1756  Washington  had  occasion  to  journey  on 
military  business  to  Boston,  and  both  in  coming  and 
in  going  he  tarried  in  New  York,  passing  ten  days  in 
his  first  visit  and  about  a  week  on  his  return.  This 
time  was  spent  with  a  Virginian  friend,  Beverly  Rob 
inson,  who  had  had  the  good  luck  to  marry  Susannah 
Philipse,  a  daughter  of  Frederick  Philipse,  one  of 
the  largest  landed  proprietors  of  the  colony  of  New 
York.  Here  he  met  the  sister,  Mary  Philipse,  then 
a  girl  of  twenty-five,  and,  short  as  was  the  time,  it 
was  sufficient  to  engage  his  heart.  To  this  interest 
no  doubt  are  due  the  entries  in  his  accounts  of  sun 
dry  pounds  spent  "  for  treating  Ladies,"  and  for  the 
large  tailors'  bills  then  incurred.  But  neither  treats 
nor  clothes  won  the  lady,  who  declined  his  propo 
sals,  and  gave  her  heart  two  years  later  to  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Roger  Morris-  A  curious  sequel  to 
this  disappointment  was  the  accident  that  made  the 

90 


MARV    PHiLll'SE 


RELATIONS   WITH    THE    FAIR  SEX 

Roger  Morris  house  Washington's  head-quarters  in 
1 776,  both  Morris  and  his  wife  being  fugitive  Tories. 
Again  Washington  was  a  chance  visitor  in  1790, 
when,  as  part  of  a  picnic,  he  "  dined  on  a  dinner 
provided  by  Mr.  Marriner  at  the  House  lately  Colo. 
Roger  Morris,  but  confiscated  and  in  the  occupation 
of  a  common  Farmer." 

It  has  been  asserted  that  Washington  loved  the 
wife  of  his  friend  George  William  Fairfax,  but  the 
evidence  has  not  been  produced.  On  the  contrary, 
though  the  two  corresponded,  it  was  in  a  purely  pla- 
tonic  fashion,  very  different  from  the  strain  of  lovers, 
and  that  the  correspondence  implied  nothing  is 
to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  he  and  Sally  Carlyle 
(another  Fairfax  daughter)  also  wrote  each  other 
quite  as  frequently  and  on  the  same  friendly  foot 
ing  ;  indeed,  Washington  evidently  classed  them  in 
the  same  category,  when  he  stated  that  "  I  have 
wrote  to  my  two  female  correspondents."  Thus  the 
claim  seems  due,  like  many  another  of  Washington's 
mythical  love-affairs,  rather  to  the  desire  of  descend 
ants  to  link  their  family  "to  a  star"  than  to  more 
substantial  basis.  Washington  did,  indeed,  write  to 
Sally  Fairfax  from  the  frontier,  "  I  should  think  our 
time  more  agreeably  spent,  believe  me,  in  playing  a 
part  in  Cato,  with  the  company  you  mention,  and 
myself  doubly  happy  in  being  the  Juba  to  such  a 
Marcia,  as  you  must  make,"  but  private  theatricals 
then  no  more  than  now  implied  "passionate  love." 
\Vhat  is  more,  Mrs.  Fairfax  was  at  this  very  time 
teasing  him  about  another  woman,  and  to  her  hints 
Washington  replied, — 

91 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

"  If  you  allow  that  any  honor  can  be  derived  from  my  opposition 
.  .  .  you  destroy  the  merit  of  it  entirely  in  me  by  attributing  my 
anxiety  to  the  animating  prospect  of  possessing  Mrs.  Custis,  when — 
I  need  not  tell  you,  guess  yourself.  Should  not  my  own  Honor 
and  country's  welfare  be  the  excitement?  'Tis  true  I  profess  my- 
self  a  votary  of  love.  I  acknowledge  that  a  lady  is  in  the  case,  and 
further  I  confess  that  this  lady  is  known  to  you.  Yes,  Madame,  as 
well  as  she  is  to  one  who  is  too  sensible  of  her  charms  to  deny  the 
Power  whose  influence  he  feels  and  must  ever  submit  to.  I  feel  the 
force  of  her  amiable  beauties  in  the  recollection  of  a  thousand  ten 
der  passages  that  I  could  wish  to  obliterate,  till  I  am  bid  to  revive 
them.  But  experience,  alas  !  sadly  reminds  me  how  impossible  this 
is,  and  evinces  an  opinion  which  I  have  long  entertained  that  there 
is  a  Destiny  which  has  the  control  of  our  actions,  not  to  be  resisted 
by  the  strongest  efforts  of  Human  Nature.  You  have  drawn  me, 
dear  Madame,  or  rather  I  have  drawn  myself,  into  an  honest  confes 
sion  of  a  simple  Fact.  Misconstrue  not  my  meaning  ;  doubt  it  not, 
nor  expose  it.  The  world  has  no  business  to  know  the  object  of  my 
Love,  declared  in  this  manner  to  you,  when  I  want  to  conceal  it. 
One  thing  above  all  things  in  this  world  I  wish  to  know,  and  only 
one  person  of  your  acquaintance  can  solve  me  that,  or  guess  my 
meaning." 

The  love-affair  thus  alluded  to  had  begun  in  March, 
1758,  when  ill  health  had  taken  Washington  to 
Williamsburg  to  consult  physicians,  thinking,  indeed, 
of  himself  as  a  doomed  man.  In  this  trip  he  met 
Mrs.  Martha  (Dandridge)  Custis,  widow  of  Daniel 
Parke  Custis,  one  of  the  wealthiest  planters  of  the 
colony.  She  was  at  this  time  twenty-six  years  of 
age,  or  Washington's  senior  by  nine  months,  and 
had  been  a  widow  but  seven,  yet  in  spite  of  this 
fact,  and  of  his  own  expected  "decay,"  he  pressed 
his  love-making  with  an  impetuosity  akin  to  that 
with  which  he  had  urged  his  suit  of  Miss  Philipse, 
and  (widows  being  proverbial)  with  better  success. 
The  invalid  had  left  Mount  Vernon  on  March  5, 
and  by  April  I  he  was  back  at  Fort  Loudon,  an 

92 


RELATIONS   WITH    THE   FAIR   SEX 

engaged  man,  having  as  well  so  far  recovered  his 
health  as  to  be  able  to  join  his  command.  Early  in 
May  he  ordered  a  ring  from  Philadelphia,  at  a  cost 
of  £2.16.0;  soon  after  receiving  it  he  found  that 
army  affairs  once  more  called  him  down  to  Wil- 
liamsburg,  and,  as  love-making  is  generally  consid 
ered  a  military  duty,  the  excuse  was  sufficient.  But 
sterner  duties  on  the  frontier  were  awaiting  him, 
and  very  quickly  he  was  back  there  and  writing  to 
his  fiancee, — 

"  We  have  begun  our  march  for  the  Ohio.  A  courier  is  starting 
for  Williamsburg,  and  I  embrace  the  opportunity  to  send  a  few 
words  to  one  whose  life  is  now  inseparable  from  mine.  Since  that 
happy  hour  when  we  made  our  pledges  to  each  other,  my  thoughts 
have  been  continually  going  to  you  as  another  Self.  That  an  all- 
powerful  Providence  may  keep  us  both  in  safety  is  the  prayer  of 
your  ever  faithful  and  affectionate  friend." 

Five  months  after  this  letter  was  written,  Wash 
ington  was  able  to  date  another  from  Fort  Duquesne, 
and,  the  fall  of  that  post  putting  an  end  to  his  mili 
tary  service,  only  four  weeks  later  he  was  back  in  Wil 
liamsburg,  and  on  January  6,  1759,  he  was  married. 

Very  little  is  really  known  of  his  wife,  beyond  the 
facts  that  she  was  petite,  over-fond,  hot-tempered, 
obstinate,  and  a  poor  speller.  In  1778  she  was 
described  as  "a  sociable,  pretty  kind  of  woman," 
and  she  seems  to  have  been  but  little  more.  One 
who  knew  her  well  described  her  as  "  not  pos 
sessing  much  serise,  though  a  perfect  lady  and 
remarkably  well  calculated  for  her  position,"  and 
confirmatory  of  this  is  the  opinion  of  an  English 
traveller  that  "  there  was  nothing  remarkable  in  the 
person  of  the  lady  of  the  President ;  she  was  ma 
ys 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

tronly  and  kind,  with  perfect  good  breeding."  None 
the  less  she  satisfied  Washington  ;  even  after  the 
proverbial  six  months  were  over  he  refused  to 
wander  from  Mount  Vernon,  writing  that  "  I  am 
now,  I  believe,  fixed  at  this  seat  with  an  agreeable 
Consort  for  life,"  and  in  1783  he  spoke  of  her  as  the 
"  partner  of  all  my  Domestic  enjoyments." 

John  Adams,  in  one  of  his  recurrent  moods  of 
bitterness  and  jealousy  towards  Washington,  de 
manded,  "  Would  Washington  have  ever  been  com 
mander  of  the  revolutionary  army  or  president  of 
the  United  States  if  he  had  not  married  the  rich 
widow  of  Mr.  Custis?"  To  ask  such  a  question  is 
to  overlook  the  fact  that  Washington's  colonial  mili 
tary  fame  was  entirely  achieved  before  his  marriage. 
It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  the  match  was  a  good 
one  from  a  worldly  point  of  view,  Mrs.  Washing 
ton's  third  of  the  Custis  property  equalling  "  fifteen 
thousand  acres  of  land,  a  good  part  of  it  adjoining 
the  city  of  Williamsburg ;  several  lots  in  the  said 
city ;  between  two  and  three  hundred  negroes  ;  and 
about  eight  or  ten  thousand  pounds  upon  bond," 
estimated  at  the  time  as  about  twenty  thousand 
pounds  in  all,  which  was  further  increased  on  the 
death  of  Patsy  Custis  in  1773  by  a  half  of  her  for 
tune,  which  added  ten  thousand  pounds  to  the  sum. 
Nevertheless  the  advantage  was  fairly  equal,  for  Mrs. 
Custis' s  lawyer  had  written  before  her  marriage  of 
the  impossibility  of  her  managing  the  property,  ad 
vising  that  she  "  employ  a  trusty  steward,  and  as  the 
estate  is  large  and  very  extensive,  it  is  Mr.  Wallers 
and  my  own  opinion,  that  you  had  better  not  engage 

94 


RELATIONS   WITH   THE    FAIR   SEX 

any  but  a  very  able  man,  though  he  should  require 
large  wages."  Of  the  management  of  this  prop 
erty,  to  which,  indeed,  she  was  unequal,  Washington 
entirely  relieved  her,  taking  charge  also  of  her  chil 
dren's  share  and  acting  for  their  interests  with  the 
same  care  with  which  he  managed  the  part  he  was 
more  directly  concerned  in. 

He  further  saved  her  much  of  the  detail  of  order 
ing  her  own  clothing,  and  we  find  him  sending  for 
"A  Salmon-colored  Tabby  of  the  enclosed  pattern, 
with  satin  flowers,  to  be  made  in  a  sack,"  "  I  Cap, 
Handkerchief,  Tucker  and  Ruffles,  to  be  made  of 
Brussels  lace  or  point,  proper  to  wear  with  the  above 
negligee,  to  cost  £20,"  "  I  pair  black,  and  I  pair 
white  Satin  Shoes,  of  the  smallest,"  and  "  I  black 
mask."  Again  he  writes  his  London  agent,  "  Mrs. 
Washington  sends  home  a  green  sack  to  get  cleaned, 
or  fresh  dyed  of  the  same  color ;  made  up  into  a 
handsome  sack  again,  would  be  her  choice  ;  but  if 
the  cloth  won't  afford  that,  then  to  be  thrown  into  a 
genteel  Night  Gown."  At  another  time  he  wants  a 
pair  of  clogs,  and  when  the  wrong  kind  are  sent  he 
writes  that  "she  intended  to  have  leathern  Gloshoes." 
When  she  was  asked  to  present  a  pair  of  colors  to  a 
company,  he  attended  to  every  detail  of  obtaining 
the  flag,  and  when  "  Mrs.  Washington  .  .  .  per 
ceived  the  Tomb  of  her  Father  ...  to  be  much  out 
of  Sorts"  he  wrote  to  get  a  workman  to  repair  it. 
The  care  of  the  Mount  Vernon  household  proving 
beyond  his  wife's  ability,  a  housekeeper  was  very 
quickly  engaged,  and  when  one  who  filled  this 
position  was  on  the  point  of  leaving,  Washington 

95 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

wrote  his  agent  to  find  another  without  the  least  de 
lay,  for  the  vacancy  would  "  throw  a  great  additional 
weight  on  Mrs.  Washington  ;"  again,  writing  in 
another  domestic  difficulty,  "Your  aunt's  distresses 
for  want  of  a  good  housekeeper  are  such  as  to  ren 
der  the  wages  demanded  by  Mrs.  Forbes  (though 
unusually  high)  of  no  consideration."  Her  letters 
of  form,  which  required  better  orthography  than  she 
was  mistress  of,  he  draughted  for  her,  pen-weary 
though  he  was. 

It  has  already  been  shown  how  he  fathered  her 
"little  progeny,"  as  he  once  called  them.  Mrs. 
Washington  was  a  worrying  mother,  as  is  shown  by 
a  letter  to  her  sister,  speaking  of  a  visit  in  which  "  I 
carried  my  little  patt  with  me  and  left  Jacky  at  home 
for  a  trial  to  see  how  well  I  could  stay  without  him 
though  we  were  gon  but  wone  fortnight  I  was  quite 
impatient  to  get  home.  If  I  at  aney  time  heard  the 
doggs  barke  or  a  noise  out,  I  thought  thair  was  a 
person  sent  for  me.  I  often  fancied  he  was  sick  or 
some  accident  had  happened  to  him  so  that  I  think 
it  is  impospossible  for  me  to  leave  him  as  long  as  Mr. 
Washington  must  stay  when  he  comes  down."  To 
spare  her  anxiety,  therefore,  when  the  time  came  for 
"Jacky"  to  be  inoculated,  Washington  "withheld 
from  her  the  information  ...  &  purpose,  if  pos 
sible,  to  keep  her  in  total  ignorance  .  .  .  till  I  hear 
of  his  return,  or  perfect  recovery  ;  .  .  .  she  having 
often  wished  that  Jack  wou'd  take  &  go  through  the 
disorder  without  her  knowing  of  it,  that  she  might  es 
cape  those  Tortures  which  suspense  wd  throw  her 
into."  And  on  the  death  of  Patsy  he  wrote,  "This 

96 


RELATIONS  WITH   THE    FAIR  SEX 

sudden  and  unexpected  blow,  I  scarce  need  add  has 
almost  reduced  my  poor  Wife  to  the  lowest  ebb  of 
Misery  ;  which  is  encreas'd  by  the  absence  of  her  son." 
When  Washington  left  Mount  Vernon,  in  May, 
1775,  to  attend  the  Continental  Congress,  he  did 
not  foresee  his  appointment  as  commander-in-chief, 
and  as  soon  as  it  occurred  he  wrote  his  wife, — 

"  I  am  now  set  down  to  write  to  you  on  a  subject,  which  fills  me 
with  inexpressible  concern,  and  this  concern  is  greatly  aggravated  and 
increased,  when  I  reflect  upon  the  uneasiness  I  know  it  will  give 
you.  It  has  been  determined  in  Congress,  that  the  whole  army 
raised  for  the  defence  of  the  American  cause  shall  be  put  under  my 
care,  and  that  it  is  necessary  for  me  to  proceed  immediately  to  Bos 
ton  to  take  upon  me  the  command  of  it. 

"You  may  believe  me,  my  dear  Patsey,  when  I  assure  you,  in 
the  most  solemn  manner,  that,  so  far  from  seeking  this  appointment, 
I  have  used  every  endeavor  in  my  power  to  avoid  it,  not  only  from 
my  unwillingness  to  part  with  you  and  the  family,  but  from  a  con 
sciousness  of  its  being  a  trust  too  great  for  my  capacity,  and  that  I 
should  enjoy  more  real  happiness  in  one  month  with  you  at  home, 
than  I  have  the  most  distant  prospect  of  finding  abroad,  if  my  stay 
were  to  be  seven  times  seven  years.  ...  I  shall  feel  no  pain  from 
the  toil  or  danger  of  the  campaign  ;  my  unhappiness  will  flow  from 
the  uneasiness  I  know  you  will  feel  from  being  left  alone." 

To  prevent  this  loneliness  as  far  as  possible,  he 
wrote  at  the  same  time  to  different  members  of  the 
two  families  as  follows  : 

"My  great  concern  upon  this  occasion  is,  the  thought  of  leaving 
your  mother  under  the  uneasiness  which  I  fear  this  affair  will  throw 
her  into  ;  I  therefore  hope,  expect,  and  indeed  have  no  doubt,  of 
your  using  every  means  in  your  power  to  keep  up  her  spirits,  by 
doing  everything  in  your  power  to  promote  her  quiet.  I  have,  I 
must  confess,  very  uneasy  feelings  on  her  account,  but  as  it  has  been 
a  kind  of  unavoidable  necessity  which  has  led  me  into  this  appoint 
ment,  I  shall  more  readily  hope  that  success  will  attend  it  and 
crown  our  meetings  with  happiness." 
7  97 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

"I  entreat  you  and  Mrs.  Bassett  if  possible  to  visit  at  Mt.  Vernon, 
as  also  my  wife's  other  friends.  I  could  wish  you  to  take  her  down, 
as  I  have  no  expectation  of  returning  till  winter  &  feel  great  uneasi 
ness  at  her  lonesome  situation." 

"  I  shall  hope  that  my  friends  will  visit  and  endeavor  to  keep  up 
the  spirits  of  my  wife,  as  much  as  they  can,  as  my  departure  will,  I 
know,  be  a  cutting  stroke  upon  her  ;  and  on  this  account  alone  I 
have  many  very  disagreeable  sensations.  I  hope  you  and  my  sister, 
(although  the  distance  is  great),  will  find  as  much  leisure  this  sum 
mer  as  to  spend  a  little  time  at  Mount  Vernon." 

When,  six  months  later,  the  war  at  Boston  settled 
into  a  mere  siege,  Washington  wrote  that  "seeing 
no  prospect  of  returning  to  my  family  and  friends 
this  winter,  I  have  sent  an  invitation  to  Mrs.  Wash 
ington  to  come  to  me,"  adding,  "  I  have  laid  a  state 
of  difficulties,  however,  which  must  attend  the  jour 
ney  before  her,  and  left  it  to  her  own  choice."  His 
wife  replied  in  the  affirmative,  and  one  of  Washing 
ton's  aides  presently  wrote  concerning  some  prize 
goods  to  the  effect  that  "  There  are  limes,  lemons 
and  oranges  on  board,  which,  being  perishable,  you 
must  sell  immediately.  The  General  will  want  some 
of  each,  as  well  of  the  sweetmeats  and  pickles  that 
are  on  board,  as  his  lady  will  be  here  today  or  to 
morrow.  You  will  please  to  pick  up  such  things  on 
board  as  you  think  will  be  acceptable  to  her,  and 
send  them  as  soon  as  possible  ;  he  does  not  mean  to 
receive  anything  without  payment." 

Lodged  at  head-quarters,  then  the  Craigie  house 
in  Cambridge,  the  discomforts  of  war  were  reduced 
to  a  minimum,  but  none  the  less  it  was  a  trying  time 
to  Mrs.  Washington,  who  complained  that  she  could 

not  get  used  to  the  distant  cannonading,  and  she 

98 


RELATIONS   WITH   THE   FAIR   SEX 

marvelled  that  those  about  her  paid  so  little  heed  to 
it.  With  the  opening  of  the  campaign  in  the  follow 
ing  summer  she  returned  to  Mount  Vernon,  but 
when  the  army  was  safely  in  winter  quarters  at  Val 
ley  Forge  she  once  more  journeyed  northward,  a  trip 
alluded  to  by  Washington  in  a  letter  to  Jack,  as 
follows  :  "  Your  Mamma  is  not  yet  arrived,  but  .  .  . 
expected  every  hour.  [My  aide]  Meade  set  off  yes 
terday  (as  soon  as  I  got  notice  of  her  intention)  to 
meet  her.  We  are  in  a  dreary  kind  of  place,  and 
uncomfortably  provided."  And  of  this  reunion  Mrs. 
Washington  wrote,  "  I  came  to  this  place,  some  time 
about  the  first  of  February  where  I  found  the  Gen 
eral  very  well,  ...  in  camp  in  what  is  called  the 
great  valley  on  the  Banks  of  the  Schuylkill.  Officers 
and  men  are  chiefly  in  Hutts,  which  they  say  is  toler 
ably  comfortable ;  the  army  are  as  healthy  as  can  be 
well  expected  in  general.  The  General's  apartment 
is  very  small ;  he  has  had  a  log  cabin  built  to  dine 
in,  which  has  made  our  quarters  much  more  toler 
able  than  they  were  at  first" 

Such  "winterings"  became  the  regular  custom, 
and  brief  references  in  various  letters  serve  to  illus 
trate  them.  Thus,  in  1779,  Washington  informed  a 
friend  that  "  Mrs.  Washington,  according  to  custom 
marched  home  when  the  campaign  was  about  to 
open  ;"  in  July,  1782,  he  noted  that  his  wife  "sets 
out  this  day  for  Mount  Vernon,"  and  later  in  the 
same  year  he  wrote,  "  as  I  despair  of  seeing  my 
home  this  Winter,  I  have  sent  for  Mrs.  Washing 
ton  ;"  and  finally,  in  a  letter  he  draughted  for  his 
wife,  he  made  her  describe  herself  as  "  a  kind  of 

99 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

perambulator,  during  eight  or  nine  years  of  the 
war. " 

Another  pleasant  glimpse  during  these  stormy 
years  is  the  couple,  during  a  brief  stay  in  Philadel 
phia,  being  entertained  almost  to  death,  described 
as  follows  by  Franklin's  daughter  in  a  letter  to  her 
father  :  "  I  have  lately  been  several  times  abroad 
with  the  General  and  Mrs.  Washington.  He  always 
inquires  after  you  in  the  most  affectionate  manner, 
and  speaks  of  you  highly.  We  danced  at  Mrs. 
Powell's  your  birthday,  or  night  I  should  say,  in 
company  together,  and  he  told  me  it  was  the  an 
niversary  of  his  marriage ;  it  was  just  twenty  years 
that  night"  Again  there  was  junketing  in  Philadel 
phia  after  the  surrender  at  Yorktown,  and  one  bit 
of  this  is  shadowed  in  a  line  from  Washington  to 
Robert  Morris,  telling  the  latter  that  "  Mrs.  Wash 
ington,  myself  and  family,  will  have  the  honor  of 
dining  with  you  in  the  way  proposed,  tomorrow, 
being  Christmas  day." 

With  the  retirement  to  Mount  Vernon  at  the 
close  of  the  war,  little  more  companionship  was  ob 
tained,  for,  as  already  stated,  Washington  could  only 
describe  his  home  henceforth  as  a  "  well  resorted 
tavern,"  and  two  years  after  his  return  he  entered 
in  his  diary,  "Dined  with  only  Mrs.  Washington 
which  I  believe  is  the  first  instance  of  it  since  my 
retirement  from  public  life." 

Even  this  was  only  a  furlough,  for  in  six  years 
they  were  both  in  public  life  again.  Mrs.  Washing 
ton  was  inclined  to  sulk  over  the  necessary  restraints 
of  official  life,  writing  to  a  friend,  "  Mrs.  Sins  will 

100 


MRS.    DANIEL    PARKE    CUSTI5,    LATER    MRS.    WASHINGTON 


RELATIONS   WITH   THE   FAIR   SEX 

give  you  a  better  account  of  the  fashions  than  I  can — 
I  live  a  very  dull  life  hear  and  know  nothing  that 
passes  in  the  town — I  never  goe  to  any  public  place 
— indeed  I  think  I  am  more  like  a  State  prisoner 
than  anything  else  ;  there  is  certain  bounds  set  for 
me  which  I  must  not  depart  from — and  as  I  cannot 
doe  as  I  like,  I  am  obstinate  and  stay  at  home  a 
great  deal." 

None  the  less  she  did  her  duties  well,  and  in  these 
"  Lady  Washington"  was  more  at  home,  for,  accord 
ing  to  Thacher,  she  combined  "in  an  uncommon 
degree,  great  dignity  of  manner  with  most  pleasing 
affability,"  though  possessing  "no  striking  marks  of 
beauty,"  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  she  lightened 
Washington's  shoulders  of  social  demands  materi 
ally.  At  the  receptions  of  Mrs.  Washington,  which 
were  held  every  Friday  evening,  so  a  contemporary 
states,  "the  President  did  not  consider  himself  as 
visited.  On  these  occasions  he  appeared  as  a  pri 
vate  gentleman,  with  neither  hat  nor  sword,  con 
versing  without  restraint." 

From  other  formal  society  Mrs.  Washington  also 
saved  her  husband,  for  a  visitor  on  New  Year's 
tells  of  her  setting  "  '  the  General'  (by  which  title 
she  always  designated  her  husband)"  at  liberty : 
"  Mrs.  Washington  had  stood  by  his  side  as  the  vis 
itors  arrived  and  were  presented,  and  when  the 
clock  in  the  hall  was  heard  striking  nine,  she  ad 
vanced  and  with  a  complacent  smile  said,  'The 
General  always  retires  at  nine,  and  I  usually  precede 
him,'  upon  which  all  arose,  made  their  parting  salu 
tations,  and  withdrew."  Nor  was  it  only  from  the 

101 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

fatigues  of  formal  entertaining  that  the  wife  saved 
her  husband,  Washington  writing  in  1793,  "We 
remain  in  Philadelphia  until  the  loth  instant.  It 
was  my  wish  to  have  continued  there  longer ;  but  as 
Mrs.  Washington  was  unwilling  to  leave  me  sur 
rounded  by  the  malignant  fever  which  prevailed,  I 
could  not  think  of  hazarding  her,  and  the  Children 
any  longer  by  my  continuance  in  the  City,  the  house 
in  which  we  live  being  in  a  manner  blockaded  by 
the  disorder,  and  was  becoming  every  day  more  and 
more  fatal ;  I  therefore  came  off  with  them." 

Finally  from  these  "scenes  more  busy,  tho'  not 
more  happy,  than  the  tranquil  enjoyment  of  rural 
life,"  they  returned  to  Mount  Vernon,  hoping  that 
in  the  latter  their  "days  will  close."  Not  quite 
three  years  of  this  life  brought  an  end  to  their  forty 
years  of  married  life.  On  the  night  that  Washing 
ton's  illness  first  became  serious  his  secretary  nar 
rates  that  "Between  2  and  3  o'clk  on  Saturday 
morning  he  [Washington]  awoke  Mrs.  Washington 
&  told  her  he  was  very  unwell,  and  had  had  an 
ague.  She  .  .  .  would  have  got  up  to  call  a  ser 
vant  ;  but  he  would  not  permit  her  lest  she  should 
take  cold."  As  a  consequence  of  this  care  for  her, 
her  husband  lay  for  nearly  four  hours  in  a  chill  in 
a  cold  bedroom  before  receiving  any  attention,  or 
before  even  a  fire  was  lighted.  WThen  death  came, 
she  said,  "'Tis  well — All  is  now  over — I  have  no 
more  trials  to  pass  through — I  shall  soon  follow 
him/'  In  his  will  he  left  "  to  my  dearly  beloved 
wife"  the  use  of  his  whole  property,  and  named  her 
an  executrix. 

102 


RELATIONS   WITH   THE   FAIR  SEX 

As  a  man's  views  of  matrimony  are  more  or  less 
colored  by  his  personal  experience,  what  Washing 
ton  had  to  say  on  the  institution  is  of  interest  As 
concerned  himself  he  wrote  to  his  nephew,  "If  Mrs. 
Washington  should  survive  me,  there  is  a  moral  cer 
tainty  of  my  dying  without  issue  ;  and  should  I  be 
the  longest  liver,  the  matter  in  my  opinion,  is  hardly 
less  certain  ;  for  while  I  retain  the  faculty  of  reason 
ing,  I  shall  never  marry  a  girl  ;  and  it  is  not  prob 
able  that  I  should  have  children  by  a  woman  of  an 
age  suitable  to  my  own,  should  I  be  disposed  to 
enter  into  a  second  marriage."  And  in  a  less  per 
sonal  sense  he  wrote  to  Chastellux, — 

"  In  reading  your  very  friendly  and  acceptable  letter,  .  .  .  I  was, 
as  you  may  well  suppose,  not  less  delighted  than  surprised  to  meet 
the  plain  American  words,  '  my  wife. '  A  wife  !  Well,  my  dear 
Marquis,  I  can  hardly  refrain  from  smiling  to  find  you  are  caught  at 
last.  I  saw,  by  the  eulogium  you  often  made  on  the  happiness  of 
domestic  life  in  America,  that  you  had  swallowed  the  bait,  and  that 
you  would  as  surely  be  taken,  one  day  or  another,  as  that  you  were 
a  philosopher  and  a  soldier.  So  your  day  has  at  length  come.  I 
am  glad  of  it,  with  all  my  heart  and  soul.  It  is  quite  good  enough 
for  you.  Now  you  are  well  served  for  coming  to  fight  in  favor  of 
the  American  rebels,  all  the  way  across  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  by 
catching  that  terrible  contagion — domestic  felicity — which  same,  like 
the  small  pox  or  the  plague,  a  man  can  have  only  once  in  his  life  ; 
because  it  commonly  lasts  him  (at  least  with  us  in  America — I  don't 
know  how  you  manage  these  matters  in  France)  for  his  whole  life 
time.  And  yet  after  all  the  maledictions  you  so  richly  merit  on  the 
subject,  the  worst  wish  which  I  can  find  in  my  heart  to  make  against 
Madame  de  Chastellux  and  yourself  is,  that  you  may  neither  of  you 
ever  get  the  better  of  this  same  domestic  felicity  during  the  entire 
course  of  your  mortal  existence." 

Furthermore,  he  wrote  to  an  old  friend,  whose 
wife  stubbornly  refused  to  sign  a  deed,  "I  think, 

103 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

any  Gentleman,  possessed  of  but  a  very  moderate 
degree  of  influence  with  his  wife,  might,  in  the 
course  of  five  or  six  years  (for  I  think  it  is  at  least 
that  time)  have  prevailed  upon  her  to  do  an  act  of 
justice,  in  fulfiling  his  Bargains  and  complying  with 
his  wishes,  if  he  had  been  really  in  earnest  in  re 
questing  the  matter  of  her ;  especially,  as  the  in 
ducement  which  you  thought  would  have  a  power 
ful  operation  on  Mrs.  Alexander,  namely  the  birth 
of  a  child,  has  been  doubled,  and  tripled." 

However  well  Washington  thought  of  "  the  hon 
orable  state,"  he  was  no  match-maker,  and  when 
asked  to  give  advice  to  the  widow  of  Jack  Custis, 
replied,  "  I  never  did,  nor  do  I  believe  I  ever  shall, 
give  advice  to  a  woman,  who  is  setting  out  on  a 
matrimonial  voyage ;  first,  because  I  never  could 
advise  one  to  marry  without  her  own  consent ;  and, 
secondly  because  I  know  it  is  to  no  purpose  to  ad 
vise  her  to  refrain,  when  she  has  obtained  it  A 
woman  very  rarely  asks  an  opinion  or  requires 
advice  on  such  an  occasion,  till  her  resolution  is 
formed  ;  and  then  it  is  with  the  hope  and  expectation 
of  obtaining  a  sanction,  not  that  she  means  to  be 
governed  by  your  disapprobation,  that  she  applies. 
In  a  word  the  plain  English  of  the  application  may 
be  summed  up  in  these  words :  '  I  wish  you  to 
think  as  I  do  ;  but,  if  unhappily  you  differ  from  me 
in  opinion,  my  heart,  I  must  confess,  is  fixed,  and 
I  have  gone  too  far  now  to  retract'  '  Again  he 
wrote  : 

"  It  has  ever  been  a  maxim  with  me  through  life,  neither  to  pro 
mote  nor  to  prevent  a  matrimonial  connection,  unless  there  should 

104 


RELATIONS  WITH   THE   FAIR  SEX 

be  something  indispensably  requiring  interference  in  the  latter.  I 
have  always  considered  marriage  as  the  most  interesting  event  of 
one's  life,  the  foundation  of  happiness  or  misery.  To  be  instru 
mental  therefore  in  bringing  two  people  together,  who  are  indif 
ferent  to  each  other,  and  may  soon  become  objects  of  disgust ;  or 
to  prevent  a  union,  which  is  prompted  by  the  affections  of  the  mind, 
is  what  I  never  could  reconcile  with  reason,  and  therefore  neither 
directly  nor  indirectly  have  I  ever  said  a  word  to  Fanny  or  George, 
upon  the  subject  of  their  intended  connection." 


The  question  whether  Washington  was  a  faithful 
husband  might  well  be  left  to  the  facts  already  given, 
were  it  not  that  stories  of  his  immorality  are  bandied 
about  in  clubs,  a  well-known  clergyman  has  vouched 
for  their  truth,  and  a  United  States  senator  has 
given  further  currency  to  them  by  claiming  special 
knowledge  on  the  subject.  Since  such  are  the  facts, 
it  seems  best  to  consider  the  question  and  show 
what  evidence  there  actually  is  for  these  stories,  that 
at  least  the  pretended  "letters,"  etc.,  which  are 
always  being  cited,  and  are  never  produced,  may  no 
longer  have  credence  put  in  them,  and  the  true  basis 
for  all  the  stories  may  be  known  and  valued  at  its 
worth. 

In  the  year  1776  there  was  printed  in  London  a 
small  pamphlet  entitled  "  Minutes  of  the  Trial  and 
Examination  of  Certain  Persons  in  the  Province  of 
New  York,"  which  purported  to  be  the  records  of 
the  examination  of  the  conspirators  of  the  "  Hickey 
plot"  (to  murder  Washington)  before  a  committee 
of  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York.  The 
manuscript  of  this  was  claimed  in  the  preface  to 
have  been  "  discovered  (on  the  late  capture  of  New 
York  by  the  British  troops)  among  the  papers  of  a 

105 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

person  who  appears  to  have  been  secretary  to  the 
committee."  As  part  of  the  evidence  the  following 
was  printed  : 

"William  Cooper,  soldier,  sworn. 

"Court.  Inform  us  what  conversation  you  heard  at  the  Serjeant's 
Arms? 

"Cooper.  Being  there  the  2 1st  of  May,  I  heard  John  Clayford 
inform  the  company,  that  Mary  Gibbons  was  thoroughly  in  their  in 
terest,  and  that  the  whole  would  be  safe.  I  learnt  from  enquiry  that 
Mary  Gibbons  was  a  girl  from  New  Jersey,  of  whom  General  Wash 
ington  was  very  fond,  that  he  maintained  her  genteelly  at  a  house 
near  Mr.  Skinner's, — at  the  North  River;  that  he  came  there  very 
often  late  at  night  in  disguise ;  he  learnt  also  that  this  woman  was 
very  intimate  with  Clayford,  and  made  him  presents,  and  told  him 
of  what  General  Washington  said. 

"Court.  Did  you  hear  Mr.  Clayford  say  any  thing  himself  that 
night  ? 

"Cooper.  Yes;  that  he  was  the  day  before  with  Judith,  so  he 
called  her,  and  that  she  told  him,  Washington  had  often  said  he 
wished  his  hands  were  clear  of  the  dirty  New-Englanders,  and  words 
to  that  effect. 

"  Court.  Did  you  hear  no  mention  made  of  any  scheme  to  betray 
or  seize  him  ? 

"Cooper.  Mr.  Clayford  said  he  could  easily  be  seized  and  put  on 
board  a  boat,  and  carried  off,  as  his  female  friend  had  promised  she 
would  assist :  but  all  present  thought  it  would  be  hazardous. ' ' 

"  William  Savage,  sworn. 

"Court.  .Was  you  at  the  Serjeant's  Arms  on  the  2ist  of  May? 
Did  you  hear  any  thing  of  this  nature  ? 

"Savage.  I  did,  and  nearly  as  the  last  evidence  has  declared; 
the  society  in  general  refused  to  be  concerned  in  it,  and  thought  it  a 
mad  scheme. 

"Mr.  Abeel.  Pray,  Mr.  Savage,  have  not  you  heard  nothing  of 
an  information  that  was  to  be  given  to  Governor  Tryon  ? 

"Savage.  Yes ;  papers  and  letters  were  at  different  times  shewn 
to  the  society,  which  were  taken  out  of  General  Washington's  pock 
ets  by  Mrs.  Gibbons,  and  given  (as  she  pretended  some  occasion  of 
going  out)  to  Mr.  Clayford,  who  always  copied  them,  and  they  were 
put  into  his  pockets  again*" 

1 06 


RELATIONS   WITH   THE   FAIR   SEX 

The  authenticity  of  this  pamphlet  thus  becomes 
of  importance,  and  over  this  little  time  need  be  spent 
The  committee  named  in  it  differs  from  the  com 
mittee  really  named  by  the  Provincial  Congress,  and 
the  proceedings  nowhere  implicate  the  men  actually 
proved  guilty.  In  other  words,  the  whole  publica 
tion  is  a  clumsy  Tory  forgery,  put  forward  with  the 
same  idle  story  of  "  captured  papers"  employed  in 
the  "spurious  letters"  of  Washington,  and  sent  forth 
from  the  same  press  (J.  Bew)  from  which  that  for 
gery  and  several  others  issued. 

The  source  from  which  the  English  fabricator 
drew  this  scandal  is  fortunately  known.  In  1775  a 
letter  to  Washington  from  his  friend  Benjamin  Har 
rison  was  intercepted  by  the  British,  and  at  once 
printed  broadcast  in  the  newspapers.  In  this  the 
writer  gossips  to  Washington  "to  amuse  you  and 
unbend  your  minds  from  the  cares  of  war,"  as  fol 
lows  :  "  As  I  was  in  the  pleasing  task  of  writing  to 
you,  a  little  noise  occasioned  me  to  turn  my  head 
around,  and  who  should  appear  but  pretty  little 
Kate,  the  Washer- wo  man's  daughter  over  the  way, 
clean,  trim  and  as  rosy  as  the  morning.  I  snatched 
the  golden,  glorious  opportunity,  and,  but  for  the 
cursed  antidote  to  love,  Sukey,  I  had  fitted  her  for 
my  general  against  his  return.  We  were  obliged  to 
part,  but  not  till  we  had  contrived  to  meet  again  :  if 
she  keeps  the  appointment,  I  shall  relish  a  week's 
longer  stay."  From  this  originated  the  stories  of 
Washington's  infidelity  as  already  given,  and  also  a 
coarser  version  of  the  same,  printed  in  1776  in  a 
Tory  farce  entitled  "The  Battle  of  Brooklyn." 

107 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Jonathan  Boucher,  who  knew  Washington  well 
before  the  Revolution,  yet  who,  as  a  loyalist,  wrote 
in  no  friendly  spirit  of  him,  asserted  that  "  in  his 
moral  character,  he  is  regular."  A  man  who  dis 
liked  him  far  more,  General  Charles  Lee,  in  the 
excess  of  his  hatred,  charged  Washington  in  1778 
with  immorality, — a  rather  amusing  impeachment, 
since  at  the  very  time  Lee  was  flaunting  the  evidence 
of  his  own  incontinence  without  apparent  shame, — 
and  a  mutual  friend  of  the  accused  and  accuser, 
Joseph  Reed,  whose  service  on  Washington's  staff 
enabled  him  to  speak  wittingly,  advised  that  Lee 
"forbear  any  Reflections  upon  the  Commander  in 
Chief,  of  whom  for  the  first  time  I  have  heard 
Slander  on  his  private  Character,  viz.,  great  cruelty 
to  his  Slaves  in  Virginia  &  Immorality  of  Life,  tho' 
they  acknowledge  so  very  secret  that  it  is  difficult 
to  detect.  To  me  who  have  had  so  good  oppor 
tunities  to  know  the  Purity  of  the  latter  &  equally 
believing  the  Falsehood  of  the  former  from  the 
known  excellence  of  his  disposition,  it  appears  so 
nearly  bordering  upon  frenzy,  that  I  can  pity  the 
wretches  rather  than  despise  them." 

Washington  was  too  much  of  a  man,  however,  to 
have  his  marriage  lessen  his  liking  for  other  women  ; 
and  Yeates  repeats  that  "  Mr.  Washington  once  told 
me,  on  a  charge  which  I  once  made  against  the 
President  at  his  own  Table,  that  the  admiration  he 
warmly  professed  for  Mrs.  Hartley,  was  a  Proof  of 
his  Homage  to  the  worthy  Part  of  the  Sex,  and 
highly  respectful  to  his  Wife."  Every  now  and  then 
there  is  an  allusion  in  his  letters  which  shows  his 

io3 


RELATIONS  WITH   THE  PAIR   SEX 

appreciation  of  beauty,  as  when  he  wrote  to  General 
Schuyler,  "  Your  fair  daughter,  for  whose  visit  Mrs. 
Washington  and  myself  are  greatly  obliged,"  and 
again,  to  one  of  his  aides,  "The  fair  hand,  to  whom 
your  letter  .  .  .  was  committed  presented  it  safe." 

His  diary,  in  the  notes  of  the  balls  and  assemblies 
which  he  attended,  usually  had  a  word  for  the  sex, 
as  exampled  in  :  "  at  which  there  were  between  60 
&  70  well  dressed  ladies ;"  "  at  which  there  was 
about  100  well  dressed  and  handsome  ladies  ;"  "at 
which  were  256  elegantly  dressed  ladies;"  "where 
there  was  a  select  Company  of  ladies;"  "where 
(it  is  said)  there  were  upwards  of  100  ladies ;  their 
appearance  was  elegant,  and  many  of  them  very 
handsome  ;"  "  at  wch.  there  were  about  400  ladies  the 
number  and  appearance  of  wch.  exceeded  anything 
of  the  kind  I  have  ever  seen;"  "where  there  were 
about  75  well  dressed,  and  many  of  them  very 
handsome  ladies — among  whom  (as  was  also  the 
case  at  the  Salem  and  Boston  assemblies)  were  a 
greater  proportion  with  much  blacker  hair  than  are 
usually  seen  in  the  Southern  States." 

At  his  wife's  receptions,  as  already  said,  Washing 
ton  did  not  view  himself  as  host,  and  "conversed 
without  restraint,  generally  with  women,  who  rarely 
had  other  opportunity  of  seeing  him,"  which  per 
haps  accounts  for  the  statement  of  another  eye-wit 
ness  that  Washington  "  looked  very  much  more  at 
ease  than  at  his  own  official  levees."  Sullivan  adds 
that  "  the  young  ladies  used  to  throng  around  him, 
and  engaged  him  in  conversation.  There  were  some 
of  the  well-remembered  belles  of  the  day  who  im- 

109 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

agined  themselves  to  be  favorites  with  him.  As 
these  were  the  only  opportunities  which  they  had 
of  conversing  with  him,  they  were  disposed  to  use 
them."  In  his  Southern  trip  of  1791  Washington 
noted,  with  evident  pleasure,  that  he  "was  visited 
about  2  o'clock,  by  a  great  number  of  the  most 
respectable  ladies  of  Charleston — the  first  honor  of 
the  kind  I  had  ever  experienced  and  it  was  flattering 
as  it  was  singular."  And  that  this  attention  was  not 
merely  the  respect  due  to  a  great  man  is  shown  in 
the  letter  of  a  Virginian  woman,  who  wrote  to  her 
correspondent  in  1777,  that  when  "General  Wash 
ington  throws  off  the  Hero  and  takes  up  the  chatty 
agreeable  Companion — he  can  be  down  right  impu 
dent  sometimes — such  impudence,  Fanny,  as  you 
and  I  like." 

Another  feminine  compliment  paid  him  was  a 
highly  laudatory  poem  which  was  enclosed  to  him, 
with  a  letter  begging  forgiveness,  to  which  he  play 
fully  answered, — 

"You  apply  to  me,  my  dear  Madam,  for  absolution  as  tho'  I  was 
your  father  Confessor ;  and  as  tho'  you  had  committed  a  crime,  great 
in  itself,  yet  of  the  venial  class.  You  have  reason  good — for  I  find 
myself  strangely  disposed  to  be  a  very  indulgent  ghostly  adviser  on 
this  occasion  ;  and,  notwithstanding  '  you  are  the  most  offending  Soul 
alive'  (that  is,  if  it  is  a  crime  to  write  elegant  Poetry,)  yet  if  you  will 
come  and  dine  with  me  on  Thursday,  and  go  thro'  the  proper  course 
of  penitence  which  shall  be  prescribed  I  will  strive  hard  to  assist  you 
in  expiating  these  poetical  trespasses  on  this  side  of  purgatory.  Nay 
more,  if  it  rests  with  me  to  direct  your  future  lucubrations,  I  shall 
certainly  urge  you  to  a  repetition  of  the  same  conduct,  on  purpose 
to  shew  what  an  admirable  knack  you  have  at  confession  and  refor 
mation  ;  and  so  without  more  hesitation,  I  shall  venture  to  command 
the  muse,  not  to  be  restrained  by  ill-grounded  timidity,  but  to  go  on 

no 


RELATIONS   WITH   THE   FAIR   SEX 

and  prosper.  You  see,  Madam,  when  once  the  woman  has  tempted 
us,  and  we  have  tasted  the  forbidden  fruit,  there  is  no  such  thing  as 
checking  our  appetites,  whatever  the  consequences  may  be.  You 
will,  I  dare  say,  recognize  our  being  the  genuine  Descendants  of 
those  who  are  reputed  to  be  our  great  Progenitors." 

Nor  was  Washington  open  only  to  beauty  and 
flattery.  From  the  rude  frontier  in  1756  he  wrote, 
"The  supplicating  tears  of  the  women,  .  .  .  melt 
me  into  such  deadly  sorrow,  that  I  solemnly  declare, 
if  I  know  my  own  mind,  I  could  offer  myself  a  willing 
sacrifice  to  the  butchering  enemy,  provided  that 
would  contribute  to  the  people's  ease."  And  in 
1776  he  said,  "When  I  consider  that  the  city  of 
New  York  will  in  all  human  probability  very  soon 
be  the  scene  of  a  bloody  conflict,  I  cannot  but  view 
the  great  numbers  of  women,  children,  and  infirm 
persons  remaining  in  it,  with  the  most  melancholy 
concern.  When  the  men-of-war  passed  up  the 
river,  the  shrieks  and  cries  of  these  poor  creatures 
running  every  way  with  their  children,  were  truly 
distressing.  .  .  .  Can  no  method  be  devised  for  their 
removal?" 

Nevertheless,  though  liked  by  and  liking  the  fair 
sex,  Washington  was  human,  and  after  experience 
concluded  that  "  I  never  again  will  have  two  women 
in  my  house  when  I  am  there  myself." 


ill 


V 

FARMER    AND    PROPRIETOR 

THE  earliest  known  Washington  coat  of  arms  had 
blazoned  upon  it  "3  Cinque  foiles,"  which  was  the 
herald's  way  of  saying  that  the  bearer  was  a  land 
holder  and  cultivator,  and  when  Washington  had  a 
book-plate  made  for  himself  he  added  to  the  con 
ventional  design  of  the  arms  spears  of  wheat  and 
other  plants,  as  an  indication  of  his  favorite  labor. 
During  his  career  he  acted  several  parts,  but  in  none 
did  he  find  such  pleasure  as  in  farming,  and  late  in 
life  he  said,  "  I  think  with  you,  that  the  life  of  a 
husbandman  of  all  others  is  the  most  delectable.  It 
is  honorable,  it  is  amusing,  and,  with  judicious  man 
agement,  it  is  profitable.  To  see  plants  rise  from 
the  earth  and  flourish  by  the  superior  skill  and 
bounty  of  the  laborer  fills  a  contemplative  mind 
with  ideas  which  are  more  easy  to  be  conceived 
than  expressed."  "Agriculture  has  ever  been  the 
most  favorite  amusement  of  my  life,"  he  wrote  after 
the  Revolution,  and  he  informed  another  corre 
spondent  that  "  the  more  I  am  acquainted  with  agri 
cultural  affairs,  the  better  pleased  I  am  with  them  ; 
insomuch,  that  I  can  no  where  find  so  great  satisfac 
tion  as  in  those  innocent  and  useful  pursuits  :  In 
indulging  these  feelings,  I  am  led  to  reflect  how 
much  more  delightful  to  an  undebauched  mind  is 


FARMER   AND   PROPRIETOR 

the  task  of  making  improvements  on  the  earth,  than 
all  the  vain  glory  which  can  be  acquired  from  rav 
aging  it,  by  the  most  uninterrupted  career  of  con 
quests."  A  visitor  to  Mount  Vernon  in  1785  states 
that  his  host's  "  greatest  pride  is,  to  be  thought  the 
first  farmer  in  America.  He  is  quite  a  Cincinnatus." 

Undoubtedly  a  part  of  this  liking  flowed  from  his 
strong  affection  for  Mount  Vernon.  Such  was  his 
feeling  for  the  place  that  he  never  seems  to  have 
been  entirely  happy  away  from  it,  and  over  and 
over  again,  during  his  various  and  enforced  absences, 
he  "sighs"  or  "pants"  for  his  "own  vine  and  fig 
tree."  In  writing  to  an  English  correspondent,  he 
shows  his  feeling  for  the  place  by  saying,  "  No  estate 
in  United  America,  is  more  pleasantly  situated  than 
this.  It  lies  in  a  high,  dry  and  healthy  country, 
three  hundred  miles  by  water  from  the  sea,  and,  as 
you  will  see  by  the  plan,  on  one  of  the  finest  rivers 
in  the  world." 

The  history  of  the  Mount  Vernon  estate  begins 
in  1674,  when  Lord  Culpepper  conveyed  to  Nicholas 
Spencer  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Washington 
five  thousand  acres  of  land  "scytuate  Lying  and 
being  within  the  said  terrytory  in  the  County  of 
Stafford  in  the  ffreshes  of  the  Pottomocke  River  and 
.  .  .  bounded  betwixt  two  Creeks."  Colonel  John's 
half  was  bequeathed  to  his  son  Lawrence,  and  by 
Lawrence's  will  it  was  left  to  his  daughter  Mildred. 
She  sold  it  to  the  father  of  George,  who  by  his  will 
left  it  to  his  son  Lawrence,  with  a  reversion  to  George 
should  Lawrence  die  without  issue.  The  original 
house  was  built  about  1740,  and  the  place  was 
8  113 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

named  Mount  Vernon  by  Lawrence,  in  honor  of 
Admiral  Vernon,  under  whom  he  had  served  at 
Carthagena.  After  the  death  of  Lawrence,  the  estate 
of  twenty-five  hundred  acres  came  under  Washing 
ton's  management,  and  from  1754  it  was  his  home, 
as  it  had  been  practically  even  in  his  brother's  life. 

Twice  Washington  materially  enlarged  the  house 
at  Mount  Vernon,  the  first  time  in  1760  and  the 
second  in  1785,  and  a  visitor  reports,  what  his  host 
must  have  told  him,  that  "  its  a  pity  he  did  not  build 
a  new  one  at  once,  for  it  has  cost  him  nearly  as 
much  to  repair  his  old  one."  These  alterations 
consisted  in  the  addition  of  a  banquet-hall  at  one 
end  (by  far  the  finest  room  in  the  house),  and  a 
library  and  dining-room  at  the  other,  with  the  addi 
tion  of  an  entire  story  to  the  whole. 

The  grounds,  too,  were  very  much  improved.  A 
fine  approach,  or  bowling  green,  was  laid  out,  a 
"  botanical  garden,"  a  "shrubbery,"  and  greenhouses 
were  added,  and  in  every  way  possible  the  place  was 
improved.  A  deer  paddock  was  laid  out  and  stocked, 
gifts  of  Chinese  pheasants  and  geese,  French  par- 
tridges,  and  guinea-pigs  were  sent  him,  and  were 
gratefully  acknowledged,  and  from  all  the  world 
over  came  curious,  useful,  or  beautiful  plants. 

The  original  tract  did  not  satisfy  the  ambition  of 
the  farmer,  and  from  the  time  he  came  into  the  pos 
session  of  Mount  Vernon  he  was  a  persistent  pur 
chaser  of  lands  adjoining  the  property.  In  1760  he 
bargained  with  one  Clifton  for  "a  tract  called  Brents," 
of  eighteen  hundred  and  six  acres,  but  after  the  1 
agreement  was  closed  the  seller,  "  under  pretence  of 

114 


WASHINGTON'S  SURVEY  OF  MOUNT  VERNON,  CIRCA  1746 


FARMER  AND   PROPRIETOR 

his  wife  not  consenting  to  acknowledge  her  right  of 
dower  wanted  to  disengage  himself  .  .  .  and  by  his 
shuffling  behavior  convinced  me  of  his  being  the 
trifling  body  represented."  Presently  Washington 
heard  that  Clifton  had  sold  his  lands  to  another  for 
twelve  hundred  pounds,  which  "  fully  unravelled  his 
conduct  .  .  .  and  convinced  me  that  he  was  nothing 
less  than  a  thorough  pac'd  rascall."  Meeting  the 
"  rascall"  at  a  court,  "  much  discourse,"  Washington 
states,  "happened  between  him  and  I  concerning 
his  ungenerous  treatment  of  me,  the  whole  turning 
to  little  account,  'tis  not  worth  reciting."  After 
much  more  friction,  the  land  was  finally  sold  at 
public  auction,  and  "  I  bought  it  for  £1210  Sterling, 
[and]  under  many  threats  and  disadvantages  paid 
the  money." 

In  1778,  when  some  other  land  was  offered,  Wash 
ington  wrote  to  his  agent,  "  I  have  premised  these 
things  to  shew  my  inability,  not  my  unwillingness  to 
purchase  the  Lands  in  my  own  Neck  at  (almost)  any 
price — &  this  I  am  very  desirous  of  doing  if  it  could 
be  accomplished  by  any  means  in  my  power,  in  ye 
way  of  Barter  for  other  Land — for  Negroes  ...  or 
in  short — for  any  thing  else  .  .  .  but  for  money  I 
cannot,  I  want  the  means."  Again,  in  1782,  he 
wrote,  "  Inform  Mr.  Dulany,  .  .  .  that  I  look  upon 
£2000  to  be  a  great  price  for  his  land  ;  that  my 
wishes  to  obtain  it  do  not  proceed  from  its  intrinsic 
value,  but  from  the  motives  I  have  candidly  assigned 
in  my  other  letter.  That  to  indulge  this  fancy,  (for 
in  truth  there  is  more  fancy  than  judgment  in  it)  I 
have  submitted,  or  am  willing  to  submit,  to  the  dis- 

1*5 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

advantage  of  borrowing  as  large  a  sum  as  I  think 
this  Land  is  worth,  in  order  to  come  at  it" 

By  thus  purchasing  whenever  an  opportunity  oc 
curred,  the  property  was  increased  from  the  twenty- 
five  hundred  acres  which  had  come  into  Washington's 
possession  by  inheritance  to  an  estate  exceeding 
eight  thousand  acres,  of  which  over  thirty-two  hun 
dred  were  actually  under  cultivation  during  the  latter 
part  of  its  owner's  life. 

To  manage  so  vast  a  tract,  the  property  was  sub 
divided  into  several  tracts,  called  "  Mansion  House 
Farm,"  "River  Farm,"  "Union  Farm,"  "Muddy 
Hole  Farm,"  and  "  Dogue  Run  Farm,"  each  having 
an  overseer  to  manage  it,  and  each  being  operated 
as  a  separate  plantation,  though  a  general  overseer 
controlled  the  whole,  and  each  farm  derived  com 
mon  benefit  from  the  property  as  a  whole.  "On 
Saturday  in  the  afternoon,  every  week,  reports  are 
made  by  all  his  overseers,  and  registered  in  books 
kept  for  the  purpose,"  and  these  accounts  were  so 
schemed  as  to  show  how  every  negro's  and  laborer's 
time  had  been  employed  during  the  whole  week, 
what  crops  had  been  planted  or  gathered,  what  in 
crease  or  loss  of  stock  had  occurred,  and  every  other 
detail  of  farm-work.  During  Washington's  absences 
from  Mount  Vernon  his  chief  overseer  sent  him 
these  reports,  as  well  as  wrote  himself,  and  weekly 
the  manager  received  in  return  long  letters  of  in 
struction,  sometimes  to  the  length  of  sixteen  pages, 
which  showed  most  wonderful  familiarity  with  every 
acre  of  the  estate  and  the  character  of  every  laborer, 
and  are  little  short  of  marvellous  when  account  is 

116 


FARMER  AND   PROPRIETOR 

taken  of  the  pressure  of  public  affairs  that  rested 
upon  their  writer  as  he  framed  them. 

When  Washington  became  a  farmer,  but  one  sys 
tem  of  agriculture,  so  far  as  Virginia  was  concerned, 
existed,  which  he  described  long  after  as  follows  : 

"A  piece  of  land  is  cut  down,  and  kept  under  constant  cultiva. 
tion,  first  in  tobacco,  and  then  in  Indian  corn  (two  very  exhausting 
plants),  until  it  will  yield  scarcely  any  thing;  a  second  piece  is 
cleared,  and  treated  in  the  same  manner  ;  then  a  third  and  so  on,  until 
probably  there  is  but  little  more  to  clear.  When  this  happens,  the 
owner  finds  himself  reduced  to  the  choice  of  one  of  three  things — 
either  to  recover  the  land  which  he  has  ruined,  to  accomplish  which, 
he  has  perhaps  neither  the  skill,  the  industry,  nor  the  means ;  or  to 
retire  beyond  the  mountains ;  or  to  substitute  quantity  for  quality,  in 
order  to  raise  something.  The  latter  has  been  generally  adopted, 
and,  with  the  assistance  of  horses,  he  scratches  over  much  ground, 
and  seeds  it,  to  very  little  purpose." 

Knowing  no  better,  Washington  adopted  this  one- 
crop  system,  even  to  the  extent  of  buying  corn  and 
hogs  to  feed  his  hands.  Though  following  in  the 
beaten  track,  he  experimented  in  different  kinds  of 
tobacco,  so  that,  "  by  comparing  then  the  loss  of 
the  one  with  the  extra  price  of  the  other,  I  shall  be 
able  to  determine  which  is  the  best  to  pursue."  The 
largest  crop  he  ever  seems  to  have  produced,  "  being 
all  sweet-scented  and  neatly  managed,"  was  one 
hundred  and  fifteen  hogsheads,  which  averaged  in 
sale  twelve  pounds  each. 

From  a  very  early  time  Washington  had  been  a 
careful  student  of  such  books  on  agriculture  as  he 
could  obtain,  even  preparing  lengthy  abstracts  of 
them,  and  the  knowledge  he  thus  obtained,  com 
bined  with  his  own  practical  experience,  soon  con- 

117 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

vinced  him  that  the  Virginian  system  was  wrong. 
"I  never  ride  on  my  plantations,"  he  wrote,  " with 
out  seeing  something  which  makes  me  regret  having 
continued  so  long  in  the  ruinous  mode  of  farming, 
which  we  are  in,"  and  he  soon  "  discontinued  the 
growth  of  tobacco  myself ;  [and]  except  at  a  planta 
tion  or  two  upon  York  River,  I  make  no  more  of 
that  article  than  barely  serves  to  furnish  me  with 
goods." 

From  this  time  (1/65)  "the  whole  of  my  force 
[was]  in  a  manner  confined  to  the  growth  of  wheat 
and  manufacturing  of  it  into  flour,"  and  before  long 
he  boasted  that  "  the  wheat  from  some  of  my  planta 
tions,  by  one  pair  of  steelyards,  will  weigh  upwards 
of  sixty  pounds,  .  .  .  and  better  wheat  than  I  now 
have  I  do  not  expect  to  make."  After  the  Revolu 
tion  he  claimed  that  "  no  wheat  that  has  ever  yet 
fallen  under  my  observation  exceeds  the  wheat  which 
some  years  ago  I  cultivated  extensively  but  which, 
from  inattention  during  my  absence  of  almost  nine 
years  from  home,  has  got  so  mixed  or  degenerated 
as  scarcely  to  retain  any  of  its  original  characteristics 
properly."  In  1768  he  was  able  to  sell  over  nine 
teen  hundred  bushels,  and  how  greatly  his  product 
was  increased  after  this  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  in 
this  same  year  he  sowed  four  hundred  and  ninety 
bushels. 

Still  further  study  and  experimentation  led  him  to 
conclude  that  "  my  countrymen  are  too  much  used 
to  corn  blades  and  corn  shucks  ;  and  have  too  little 
knowledge  of  the  profit  of  grass  lands,"  and  after 
his  final  home-coming  to  Mount  Vernon,  he  said,  "  I 

118 


FARMER  AND   PROPRIETOR 

have  had  it  in  contemplation  ever  since  I  returned 
home  to  turn  my  farms  to  grazing  principally,  as  fast 
as  I  can  cover  the  fields  sufficiently  with  grass.  Labor 
and  of  course  expence  will  be  considerably  dimin 
ished  by  this  change,  the  nett  profit  as  great  and  my 
attention  less  divided,  whilst  the  fields  will  be  im 
proving."  That  this  was  only  an  abandonment  of 
a  "  one  crop"  system  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  in 
1 792  he  grew  over  five  thousand  bushels  of  wheat, 
valued  at  four  shillings  the  bushel,  and  in  1799  he 
said,  "  as  a  farmer,  wheat  and  flour  are  my  principal 
concerns."  And  though,  in  abandoning  the  growth 
of  tobacco,  Washington  also  tried  "to  grow  as  little 
Indian  corn  as  may  be,"  yet  in  1795  his  crop  was 
over  sixteen  hundred  barrels,  and  the  quantity 
needed  for  his  own  negroes  and  stock  is  shown  in  a 
year  when  his  crop  failed,  which  "  obliged  me  to 
purchase  upwards  of  eight  hundred  barrels  of  corn." 

In  connection  with  this  change  of  system,  Wash 
ington  became  an  early  convert  to  the  rotation  of 
crops,  and  drew  up  elaborate  tables  sometimes  cov 
ering  periods  of  five  years,  so  that  the  quantity  of 
each  crop  should  not  vary,  yet  by  which  his  fields 
should  have  constant  change.  This  system  natu 
rally  very  much  diversified  the  product  of  his  estate, 
and  flax,  hay,  clover,  buckwheat,  turnips,  and  pota 
toes  became  large  crops.  The  scale  on  which  this 
was  done  is  shown  by  the  facts  that  in  one  year  he 
sowed  twenty-seven  bushels  of  flaxseed  and  planted 
over  three  hundred  bushels  of  potatoes. 

Early  and  late  Washington  preached  to  his  over 
seers  the  value  of  fertilization  ;  in  one  case,  when 

119 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

looking  for  a  new  overseer,  he  said  the  man  must  be, 
"  above  all,  Midas  like,  one  who  can  convert  every 
thing  he  touches  into  manure,  as  the  first  transmuta 
tion  towards  gold  ; — in  a  word  one  who  can  bring 
worn  out  and  gullied  Lands  into  good  tilth  in  the 
shortest  time."  Equally  emphatic  was  his  urging  of 
constant  ploughing  and  grubbing,  and  he  even  in 
vented  a  deep  soil  plough,  which  he  used  till  he  found 
a  better  one  in  the  English  Rotheran  plough,  which 
he  promptly  imported,  as  he  did  all  other  improved 
farming  tools  and  machinery  of  which  he  could  learn. 
To  save  his  woodlands,  and  for  appearance's  sake,  he 
insisted  on  live  fences,  though  he  had  to  acknowledge 
that  "  no  hedge,  alone,  will,  I  am  persuaded,  do  for 
an  outer  inclosure,  where  two  or  four  footed  hogs 
find  it  convenient  to  open  passage."  In  all  things 
he  was  an  experimentalist,  carefully  trying  different 
kinds  of  tobacco  and  wheat,  various  kinds  of  plants 
for  hedges,  and  various  kinds  of  manure  for  fertil 
izers  ;  he  had  tests  made  to  see  whether  he  could 
sell  his  wheat  to  best  advantage  in  the  grain  or  when 
made  into  flour,  and  he  bred  from  selected  horses, 
cattle,  and  sheep.  "  In  short  I  shall  begrudge  no 
reasonable  expence  that  will  contribute  to  the  im 
provement  and  neatness  of  my  Farms  ; — for  nothing 
pleases  me  better  than  to  see  them  in  good  order, 
and  everything  trim,  handsome,  and  thriving  about 
them." 

The  magnitude  of  the  charge  of  such  an  estate 
can  be  better  understood  when  the  condition  of  a 
Virginia  plantation  is  realized.  Before  the  Revolu 
tion  practically  everything  the  plantation  could  not 

120 


FARMER  AND   PROPRIETOR 

produce  was  ordered  yearly  from  Great  Britain,  and 
after  the  annual  delivery  of  the  invoices  the  estate 
could  look  for  little  outside  help.  Nor  did  tliis 
change  rapidly  after  the  Revolution,  and  during  the 
period  of  Washington's  management  almost  every 
thing  was  bought  in  yearly  supplies.  This  system 
compelled  each  plantation  to  be  a  little  world  unto 
itself;  indeed,  the  three  hundred  souls  on  the  Mount 
Vernon  estate  went  far  to  make  it  a  distinct  and 
self-supporting  community,  and  one  of  Washington's 
standing  orders  to  his  overseers  was  to  "  buy  nothing 
you  can  make  within  yourselves."  Thus  the  planting 
and  gathering  of  the  crops  were  but  a  small  part  of 
the  work  to  be  done. 

A  corps  of  workmen — some  negroes,  some  in 
dentured  servants,  and  some  hired  laborers — were 
kept  on  the  estate.  A  blacksmith-shop  occupied 
some,  doing  not  merely  the  work  of  the  plantation, 
but  whatever  business  was  brought  to  them  from 
outside  ;  and  a  wood-burner  kept  them  and  the 
mansion-house  supplied  with  charcoal.  A  gang  of 
carpenters  were  kept  busy,  and  their  spare  time  was 
utilized  in  framing  houses  to  be  put  up  in  Alexandria, 
or  in  the  "  Federal  city,"  as  Washington  was  called 
before  the  death  of  its  namesake.  A  brick-maker, 
too,  was  kept  constantly  employed,  and  masons 
utilized  the  product  of  his  labor.  The  gardener's 
gang  had  charge  of  the  kitchen-garden,  and  set  out 
thousands  of  grape-vines,  fruit-trees,  and  hedge- 
plants. 

A  water-mill,  with  its  staff,  not  merely  ground 
meal  for  the  hands,  but  produced  a  fine  flour  that 

121 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

commanded  extra  price  in  the  market.  In  1786 
Washington  asserted  that  his  flour  was  "  equal,  I 
believe,  in  quality  to  any  made  in  this  country," 
and  the  Mount  Vernon  brand  was  of  such  value  that 
some  money  was  made  by  buying  outside  wheat 
and  grinding  it  into  flour.  The  coopers  of  the  es 
tate  made  the  barrels  in  which  it  was  packed,  and 
Washington's  schooner  carried  it  to  market. 

The  estate  had  its  own  shoemaker,  and  in  time  a 
staff  of  weavers  was  trained.  Before  this  was  ob 
tained,  in  1760,  though  with  only  a  modicum  of  the 
force  he  presently  had,  Washington  ordered  from 
London  "  450  ells  of  Osnabrig,  4  pieces  of  Brown 
Wools,  350  yards  of  Kendall  Cotton,  and  100  yards 
of  Dutch  blanket."  By  1768  he  was  manufacturing 
the  chief  part  of  his  requirements,  for  in  that  year 
his  weavers  produced  eight  hundred  and  fifteen  and 
three-quarter  yards  of  linen,  three  hundred  and  sixty- 
five  and  one-quarter  yards  of  woollen,  one  hundred 
and  forty-four  yards  of  linsey,  and  forty  yards  of 
cotton,  or  a  total  of  thirteen  hundred  and  sixty-five 
and  one-half  yards,  one  man  and  five  negro  girls 
having  been  employed.  When  once  the  looms  were 
well  organized  an  infinite  variety  of  cloths  was  pro 
duced,  the  accounts  mentioning  "striped  woollen, 
woolen  plaided,  cotton  striped,  linen,  wool-birdseye, 
cotton  filled  with  wool,  linsey,  M.'s  &  O.'s,  cotton- 
India  dimity,  cotton  jump  stripe,  linen  filled  with 
tow,  cotton  striped  with  silk,  Roman  M.,  Janes 
twilled,  huccabac,  broadcloth,  counterpain,  birdseye 
diaper,  Kirsey  wool,  barragon,  fustian,  bed-ticking, 
herring-box,  and  shalloon." 

122 


FARMER   AND   PROPRIETOR 

One  of  the  most  important  features  of  the  estate 
was  its  fishery,  for  the  catch,  salted  down,  largely 
served  in  place  of  meat  for  the  negroes'  food.  Of 
this  advantage  Washington  wrote,  "  This  river,  .  .  . 
is  well  supplied  with  various  kinds  of  fish  at  all  sea 
sons  of  the  year  ;  and,  in  the  spring,  with  the  greatest 
profusion  of  shad,  herrings,  bass,  carp,  perch,  stur 
geon,  &c.  Several  valuable  fisheries  appertain  to 
the  estate ;  the  whole  shore,  in  short,  is  one  entire 
fishery."  Whenever  there  was  a  run  of  fish,  the 
seine  was  drawn,  chiefly  for  herring  and  shad,  and  in 
good  years  this  not  merely  amply  supplied  the  home 
requirements,  but  allowed  of  sales ;  four  or  five 
shillings  the  thousand  for  herring  and  ten  shillings 
the  hundred  for  shad  were  the  average  prices,  and 
sales  of  as  high  as  eighty-five  thousand  herring  were 
made  in  a  single  year. 

In  1795,  when  the  United  States  passed  an  excise 
law,  distilling  became  particularly  profitable,  and  a 
still  was  set  up  on  the  plantation.  In  this  whiskey 
was  made  from  "  Rye  chiefly  and  Indian  corn  in  a 
certain  proportion,"  and  this  not  merely  used  much 
of  the  estate's  product  of  those  two  grains,  but 
quantities  were  purchased  from  elsewhere.  In  1798 
the  profit  from  the  distillery  was  three  hundred  and 
forty-four  pounds  twelve  shillings  and  seven  and 
three-quarter  pence,  with  a  stock  carried  over  of 
seven  hundred  and  fifty-five  and  one-quarter  gal 
lons  ;  but  this  was  the  most  successful  year.  Cider, 
too,  was  made  in  large  quantities. 

A  stud  stable  was  from  an  early  time  maintained, 
and  the  Virginia  papers  regularly  advertised  that  the 

123 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

stud  horse  "Samson,"  "Magnolia,"  "  Leonidas," 
"Traveller,"  or  whatever  the  reigning  stallion  of  the 
moment  might  be,  would  "  cover"  mares  at  Mount 
Vernon,  with  pasturage  and  a  guarantee  of  foal,  if 
their  owners  so  elected.  During  the  Revolution 
Washington  bought  twenty-seven  of  the  army  mares 
that  had  been  "  worn-down  so  as  to  render  it  bene 
ficial  to  the  public  to  have  them  sold,"  not  even  ob 
jecting  to  those  "low  in  flesh  or  even  crippled," 
because  "  I  have  many  large  Farms  and  am  improv 
ing  a  good  deal  of  Land  into  Meadow  and  Pasture, 
which  cannot  fail  of  being  profited  by  a  number  of 
Brood  Mares."  In  addition  to  the  stud,  there  were, 
in  1793,  fifty-four  draught  horses  on  the  estate. 

A  unique  feature  of  this  stud  was  the  possession 
of  two  jackasses,  of  which  the  history  was  curious. 
At  that  time  there  was  a  law  in  Spain  (where  the 
best  breed  was  to  be  found)  which  forbade  the  expor 
tation  of  asses,  but  the  king,  hearing  of  Washington's 
wish  to  possess  a  jack,  sent  him  one  of  the  finest 
obtainable  as  a  present,  which  was  promptly  chris 
tened  "  Royal  Gift"  The  sea- voyage  and  the  change 
of  climate,  however,  so  affected  him  that  for  a  time 
he  proved  of  little  value  to  his  owner,  except  as  a 
source  of  amusement,  for  Washington  wrote  Lafay 
ette,  "  The  Jack  I  have  already  received  from  Spain 
in  appearance  is  fine,  but  his  late  Royal  master,  tho' 
past  his  grand  climacteric  cannot  be  less  moved  by 
female  allurements  than  he  is  ;  or  when  prompted, 
can  proceed  with  more  deliberation  and  majestic 
solemnity  to  the  work  of  procreation."  This  reluc 
tance  to  play  his  part  Washington  concluded  was  a 

124 


FARMER  AND   PROPRIETOR 

sign  of  aristocracy,  and  he  wrote  a  nephew,  "  If 
Royal  Gift  will  administer,  he  shall  be  at  the  service 
of  your  Mares,  but  at  present  he  seems  too  full  of 
Royalty,  to  have  anything  to  do  with  a  plebeian 
Race,"  and  to  Fitzhugh  he  said,  "  particular  atten 
tion  shall  be  paid  to  the  mares  which  your  servant 
brought,  and  when  my  Jack  is  in  the  humor,  they 
shall  derive  all  the  benefit  of  his  labor,  for  labor  it 
appears  to  be.  At  present  tho'  young,  he  follows 
what  may  be  supposed  to  be  the  example  of  his  late 
Royal  Master,  who  can  not,  tho'  past  his  grand 
climacteric,  perform  seldomer  or  with  more  majestic 
solemnity  than  he  does.  However  I  am  not  without 
hope  that  when  he  becomes  a  little  better  acquainted 
with  republican  enjoyment,  he  will  amend  his  man 
ners,  and  fall  into  a  better  and  more  expeditious 
mode  of  doing  business."  This  fortunately  proved 
to  be  the  case,  and  his  master  not  merely  secured 
such  mules  as  he  needed  for  his  own  use,  but  gained 
from  him  considerable  profit  by  covering  mares  in 
the  neighborhood.  He  even  sent  him  on  a  tour 
through  the  South,  and  Royal  Gift  passed  a  whole 
winter  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  with  a  result 
ing  profit  of  six  hundred  and  seventy-eight  dollars 
to  his  owner.  In  1799  there  were  on  the  estate  "  2 
Covering  Jacks  &  3  young  ones,  10  she  asses,  42 
working  mules  and  15  younger  ones." 

Of  cattle  there  were  in  1 793  a  total  of  three  hun 
dred  and  seventeen  head,  including  "  a  sufficiency  of 
oxen  broke  to  the  yoke,"  and  a  dairy  was  operated 
separate  from  the  farms,  and  some  butter  was  made, 
but  Washington  had  occasion  to  say,  "  It  is  hoped, 

125 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

and  will  be  expected,  that  more  effectual  measures 
will  be  pursued  to  make  butter  another  year  ;  for  it 
is  almost  beyond  belief,  that  from  101  cows  actually 
reported  on  a  late  enumeration  of  the  cattle,  that  I 
am  obliged  to  buy  butter  for  the  use  of  my  family." 

Sheep  were  an  unusual  adjunct  of  a  Virginia  plan 
tation,  and  of  his  flock  Washington  wrote,  "  From 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1784  when  I  returned 
from  the  army,  until  shearing  time  of  1/88,  I  im 
proved  the  breed  of  my  sheep  so  much  by  buying 
and  selecting  the  best  formed  and  most  promising 
Rams,  and  putting  them  to  my  best  ewes,  by  keep 
ing  them  always  well  culled  and  clean,  and  by  other 
attentions,  that  they  averaged  me  .  .  .  rather  over 
than  under  five  pounds  of  washed  wool  each."  In 
another  letter  he  said,  "I  ...  was  proud  in  being 
able  to  produce  perhaps  the  largest  mutton  and  the 
greatest  quantity  of  wool  from  my  sheep  that  could 
be  produced.  But  I  was  not  satisfied  with  this  ; 
and  contemplated  further  improvements  both  in  the 
flesh  and  wool  by  the  introduction  of  other  breeds, 
which  I  should  by  this  time  have  carried  into  effect, 
had  I  been  permitted  to  pursue  my  favorite  occupa 
tion."  In  1789,  however,  "I  was  again  called  from 
home,  and  have  not  had  it  in  my  power  since  to  pay 
any  attention  to  my  farms.  The  consequence  of 
which  is,  that  my  sheep  at  the  last  shearing,  yielded 
me  not  more  than  2*4"  pounds.  In  1793  he  had 
six  hundred  and  thirty-four  in  his  flock,  from  which 
he  obtained  fourteen  hundred  and  fifty-seven  pounds 
of  fleece.  Of  hogs  he  had  "  many,"  but  "  as  these 
run  pretty  much  at  large  in  the  woodland,  the  num- 

126 


FARMER  AND   PROPRIETOR 

her  is  uncertain."     In  1799  his  manager  valued  his 
entire  live-stock  at  seven  thousand  pounds. 

A  separate  account  was  kept  of  each  farm,  and 
of  many  of  these  separate  departments,  and  when 
ever  there  was  a  surplus  of  any  product  an  account 
was  opened  to  cover  it  Thus  in  various  years 
there  are  accounts  raised  dealing  with  cattle,  hay, 
flour,  flax,  cord-wood,  shoats,  fish,  whiskey,  pork, 
etc.,  and  his  secretary,  Shaw,  told  a  visitor  that  the 
"books  were  as  regular  as  any  merchant  whatever." 
It  is  proper  to  note,  however,  that  sometimes  they 
would  not  balance,  and  twice  at  least  Washington 
could  only  force  one,  by  entering  "  By  cash  sup 
posed  to  be  paid  away  &  not  credited  £17.6.2,"  and 
"  By  cash  lost,  stolen  or  paid  away  without  charging 
^143.15.2."  All  these  accounts  were  tabulated  at 
the  end  of  the  year  and  the  net  results  obtained. 
Those  for  a  single  year  are  here  given : 


BALANCE  OF  GAIN   AND   LOSS,   1798. 


Dr.  gained. 

Dogue  Run  Farm  .  397.11.  2 
Union  Farm     .    .    .529.10.11^ 
River  Farm      .    .    .  234.  4. 1 1 
Smith's  Shop  .    .    .    34.12.  9^ 
Distillery     ....    83.13.   I 

Jacks 56.   I 

Traveller  (stud  horse)    9.17 
Shoemaker  .    .    .    .    28.17.   I 

Fishery 165.12.  o^" 

Dairy 30.12.  3 


Cr.  lost. 

Mansion  House  .    .  466.18.2^ 
Muddy  Hole  Farm        60.   1.3^ 

Spinning 51.  2.0 

Hire  of  head  over 
seer  140.  o.o 


By    Clear  gain  on 
the  Estate  .    .    .  ^898.1 6. 4# 


A  pretty  poor  showing  for  an  estate  and  negroes  which 
had  certainly  cost  him  over  fifty  thousand  dollars, 

127 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

and  on  which  there  was  live-stock  which  at  the 
lowest  estimation  was  worth  fifteen  thousand  dollars 
more.  It  is  not  strange  that  in  1793  Washington 
attempted  to  find  tenants  for  all  but  the  Mansion 
farm.  This  he  reserved  for  my  "  own  residence, 
occupation  and  amusement,"  as  Washington  held 
that  "idleness  is  disreputable,"  and  in  1798  he  told 
his  chief  overseer  he  did  not  choose  to  "discon 
tinue  my  rides  or  become  a  cipher  on  my  own 
estate." 

When  at  Mount  Vernon,  as  this  indicated,  Wash 
ington  rode  daily  about  his  estate,  and  he  has  left  a 
pleasant  description  of  his  life  immediately  after  re 
tiring  from  the  Presidency :  "I  begin  my  diurnal 
course  with  the  sun  ;  ...  if  my  hirelings  are  not 
in  their  places  at  that  time  I  send  them  messages 
expressive  of  my  sorrow  for  their  indisposition ; 
.  .  .  having  put  these  wheels  in  motion,  I  examine 
the  state  of  things  further ;  and  the  more  they  are 
probed,  the  deeper  I  find  the  wounds  are  which  my 
buildings  have  sustained  by  my  absence  and  neglect 
of  eight  years ;  by  the  time  I  have  accomplished 
these  matters,  breakfast  (a  little  after  seven  o'clock) 
...  is  ready ;  .  .  .  this  being  over,  I  mount  my 
horse  and  ride  round  my  farms,  which  employs  me 
until  it  is  time  to  dress  for  dinner."  A  visitor  at 
this  time  is  authority  for  the  statement  that  the 
master  "often  works  with  his  men  himself — strips 
off  his  coat  and  labors  like  a  common  man.  The 
General  has  a  great  turn  for  mechanics.  It's  aston 
ishing  with  what  niceness  he  directs  everything  in 
the  building  way,  condescending  even  to  measure 

128 


FARMER  AND  PROPRIETOR 

the  things  himself,  that  all  may  be  perfectly  uni 
form." 

This  personal  attention  Washington  was  able  to 
give  only  with  very  serious  interruptions.  From 
1754  till  1759  he  was  most  of  the  time  on  the  fron 
tier  ;  for  nearly  nine  years  his  Revolutionary  service 
separated  him  absolutely  from  his  property ;  and 
during  the  two  terms  of  his  Presidency  he  had  only 
brief  and  infrequent  visits.  Just  one-half  of  his 
forty-six  years'  occupancy  of  Mount  Vernon  was 
given  to  public  service. 

The  result  was  that  in  1757  he  wrote,  "I  am  so 
little  acquainted  with  the  business  relative  to  my 
private  affairs  that  I  can  scarce  give  you  any  in 
formation  concerning  it,"  and  this  was  hardly  less 
true  of  the  whole  period  of  his  absences.  In  1775 
he  engaged  overseers  to  manage  his  various  estates 
in  his  absence  "  upon  shares,"  but  during  the  whole 
war  the  plantations  barely  supported  themselves, 
even  with  depletion  of  stock  and  fertility,  and  he 
was  able  to  draw  nothing  from  them.  One  overseer, 
and  a  confederate,  he  wrote,  "  I  believe,  divided  the 
profits  of  my  Estate  on  the  York  River,  tolerably 
betwn.  them,  for  the  devil  of  any  thing  do  I  get" 
Well  might  he  advise  knowingly  that  "  I  have  no 
doubt  myself  but  that  middling  land  under  a  man's 
own  eyes,  is  more  profitable  than  rich  land  at  a 
distance."  "No  Virginia  Estate  (except  a  very 
few  under  the  best  of  management)  can  stand  sim 
ple  Interest,"  he  declared,  and  went  even  further 
when  he  wrote,  "the  nature  of  a  Virginia  Estate 
being  such,  that  without  close  application,  it  never 
9  129 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

fails  bringing  the  proprietors  in  Debt  annually." 
"To  speak  within  bounds,"  he  said,  "ten  thousand 
pounds  will  not  compensate  the  losses  I  might  have 
avoided  by  being  at  home,  &  attending  a  little  to 
my  own  concerns"  during  the  Revolution. 

Fortunately  for  the  farmer,  the  Mount  Vernon 
estate  was  but  a  small  part  of  his  property.  His 
father  had  left  him  a  plantation  of  two  hundred  and 
eighty  acres  on  the  Rappahannock,  "  one  Moiety  of 
my  Land  lying  on  Deep  Run,"  three  lots  in  Fred 
erick  "with  all  the  houses  and  Appurtenances 
thereto  belonging,"  and  one  quarter  of  the  residuary 
estate.  While  surveying  for  Lord  Fairfax  in  1748, 
as  part  of  his  compensation  Washington  patented  a 
tract  of  five  hundred  and  fifty  acres  in  Frederick 
County,  which  he  always  spoke  of  as  "  My  Bull- 
skin  plantation." 

As  a  military  bounty  in  the  French  and  Indian 
War  the  governor  of  Virginia  issued  a  proclamation 
granting  Western  lands  to  the  soldiers,  and  under 
this  Washington  not  merely  secured  fifteen  thou 
sand  acres  in  his  own  right,  but  by  buying  the 
claims  of  some  of  his  fellow-officers  doubled  that 
quantity.  A  further  tract  was  also  obtained  under 
the  kindred  proclamation  of  1763,  "  5000  Acres  of 
Land  in  my  own  right,  &  by  purchase  from  Captn. 
Roots,  Posey,  &  some  other  officers,  I  obtained  rights 
to  several  thousand  more."  In  1786,  after  sales,  he 
had  over  thirty  thousand  acres,  which  he  then  offered 
to  sell  at  thirty  thousand  guineas,  and  in  1799,  when 
still  more  had  been  sold,  his  inventory  valued  the 
holdings  at  nearly  three  hundred  thousand  dollars. 

130 


FARMER  AND  PROPRIETOR 

In  addition,  Washington  was  a  partner  in  several 
great  land  speculations, — the  Ohio  Company,  the 
Walpole  Grant,  the  Mississippi  Company,  the  Mili 
tary  Company  of  Adventures,  and  the  Dismal  Swamp 
Company  ;  but  all  these  ventures  except  the  last 
collapsed  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution  and 
proved  valueless.  His  interest  in  the  Dismal  Swamp 
Company  he  held  at  the  time  of  his  death,  and  it 
was  valued  in  the  inventory  at  twenty  thousand 
dollars. 

The  properties  that  came  to  him  from  his  brother 
Lawrence  and  with  his  wife  have  already  been  de 
scribed.  It  may  be  worth  noting  that  with  the 
widow  of  Lawrence  there  was  a  dispute  over  the 
will,  but  apparently  it  was  never  carried  into  the 
courts,  and  that  owing  to  the  great  depreciation  of 
paper  money  during  the  Revolution  the  Custis  per 
sonal  property  was  materially  lessened,  for  "  I  am 
now  receiving  a  shilling  in  the  pound  in  discharge 
of  Bonds  which  ought  to  have  been  paid  me,  & 
would  have  been  realized  before  I  left  Virginia,  but 
for  my  indulgences  to  the  debtors,"  Washington 
wrote,  and  in  1778  he  said,  "by  the  comparitive 
worth  of  money,  six  or  seven  thousand  pounds 
which  I  have  in  Bonds  upon  Interest  is  now  re 
duced  to  as  many  hundreds  because  I  can  get  no 
more  for  a  thousand  at  this  day  than  a  hundred 
would  have  fetched  when  I  left  Virginia,  Bonds, 
debts,  Rents,  &c.  undergoing  no  change  while  the 
currency  is  depreciating  in  value  and  for  ought  I 
know  may  in  a  little  time  be  totally  sunk."  Indeed, 
in  1781  he  complained  "that  I  have  totally  ne- 

131 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

glected  all  my  private  concerns,  which  are  declining 
every  day,  and  may,  possibly,  end  in  capital  losses, 
if  not  absolute  ruin,  before  I  am  at  liberty  to  look 
after  them." 

In  1784  he  became  partner  with  George  Clinton 
in  some  land  purchases  in  the  State  of  New  York 
with  the  expectation  of  buying  the  "mineral  springs 
at  Saratoga  ;  and  .  .  .  the  Oriskany  tract,  on  which 
Fort  Schuyler  stands."  In  this  they  were  disap 
pointed,  but  six  thousand  acres  in  the  Mohawk 
valley  were  obtained  "amazingly  cheap."  Wash 
ington's  share  cost  him,  including  interest,  eighteen 
hundred  and  seventy-five  pounds,  and  in  1793  two- 
thirds  of  the  land  had  been  sold  for  three  thousand 
four  hundred  pounds,  and  in  his  inventory  of  1799 
Washington  valued  what  he  still  held  of  the  property 
at  six  thousand  dollars. 

In  1 790,  having  inside  information  that  the  capital 
was  to  be  removed  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia, 
Washington  tried  to  purchase  a  farm  near  that  city, 
foreseeing  a  speedy  rise  in  value.  In  this  apparently 
he  did  not  succeed.  Later  he  purchased  lots  in  the 
new  Federal  city,  and  built  houses  on  two  of  them. 
He  also  had  town  lots  in  Williamsburg,  Alexandria, 
Winchester,  and  Bath.  In  addition  to  all  this  prop 
erty  there  were  many  smaller  holdings.  Much  was 
sold  or  traded,  yet  when  he  died,  besides  his  wife's 
real  estate  and  the  Mount  Vernon  property,  he 
possessed  fifty-one  thousand  three  hundred  and 
ninety-five  acres,  exclusive  of  town  property.  A 
contemporary  said  "that  General  Washington  is, 
perhaps,  the  greatest  landholder  in  America." 

132 


FARMER  AND  PROPRIETOR 

All  these  lands,  except  Mount  Vernon,  were,  so 
far  as  possible,  rented,  but  the  net  income  was  not 
large.  Rent  agents  were  employed  to  look  after 
the  tenants,  but  low  rents,  war,  paper  money,  a 
shifting  population,  and  Washington's  dislike  of 
lawsuits  all  tended  to  reduce  the  receipts,  and  the 
landlord  did  not  get  simple  interest  on  his  invest 
ments.  Thus,  in  1799  he  complains  of  slow  pay 
ments  from  tenants  in  Washington  and  Lafayette 
Counties  (Pennsylvania).  Instead  of  an  expected 
six  thousand  dollars,  due  June  I,  but  seventeen 
hundred  dollars  were  received. 

Income,  however,  had  not  been  his  object  in  load 
ing  himself  with  such  a  vast  property,  as  Washington 
believed  that  he  was  certain  to  become  rich.  "  For 
proof  of"  the  rise  of  land,  he  wrote  in  1767,  "only 
look  to  Frederick,  [county]  and  see  what  fortunes 
were  made  by  the  .  .  .  first  taking  up  of  those 
lands.  Nay,  how  the  greatest  estates  we  have  in 
this  colony  were  made.  Was  it  not  by  taking  up 
and  purchasing  at  very  low  rates  the  rich  back  lands, 
which  were  thought  nothing  of  in  those  days,  but 
are  now  the  most  valuable  land  we  possess?" 

In  this  he  was  correct,  but  in  the  mean  time  he 
was  more  or  less  land-poor.  To  a  friend  in  1763  he 
wrote  that  the  stocking  and  repairing  of  his  planta 
tions  "  and  other  matters  .  .  .  swallowed  up  before 
I  well  knew  where  I  was,  all  the  moneys  I  got  by 
marriage,  nay  more,  brought  me  in  debt."  In  1775, 
replying  to  a  request  for  a  loan,  he  declared  that 
"so  far  am  I  from  having  £200  to  lend  ...  I  would 
gladly  borrow  that  sum  myself  for  a  few  months." 

'33 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

When  offered  land  adjoining  Mount  Vernon  for  three 
thousand  pounds  in  1778,  he  could  only  reply  that 
it  was  "  a  sum  I  have  little  chance,  if  I  had  inclina 
tion,  to  pay ;  &  therefore  would  not  engage  it,  as  I 
am  resolved  not  to  incumber  myself  with  Debt." 
In  1782,  to  secure  a  much-desired  tract  he  was 
forced  to  borrow  two  thousand  pounds  York  currency 
at  the  rate  of  seven  per  cent. 

In  1788,  "the  total  loss  of  my  crop  last  year  by 
the  drought"  "with  necessary  demands  for  cash" 
"have  caused  me  much  perplexity  and  given  me 
more  uneasiness  than  I  ever  experienced  before  from 
want  of  money,"  and  a  year  later,  just  before  setting 
out  to  be  inaugurated,  he  tried  to  borrow  five  hun 
dred  pounds  "to  discharge  what  I  owe"  and  to  pay 
the  expenses  of  the  journey  to  New  York,  but  was 
"unable  to  obtain  more  than  half  of  it,  (though  it 
was  not  much  I  required),  and  this  at  an  advanced 
interest  with  other  rigid  conditions,"  though  at  this 
time  "could  I  get  in  one  fourth  part  of  what  is 
due  me  on  Bonds"  "without  the  intervention  of 
suits"  there  would  have  been  ample  funds.  In  1795 
the  President  said,  "my  friends  entertain  a  very 
erroneous  idea  of  my  particular  resources,  when  they 
set  me  down  for  a  money  lender,  or  one  who  (now) 
has  a  command  of  it.  You  may  believe  me  when  I 
assert  that  the  bonds  which  were  due  to  me  before 
the  Revolution,  were  discharged  during  the  progress 
of  it — with  a  few  exceptions  in  depreciated  paper 
(in  some  instances  as  low  as  a  shilling  in  the  pound). 
That  such  has  been  the  management  of  the  Estate, 
for  many  years  past,  especially  since  my  absence 

'34 


t 


- 


FARMER  AND  PROPRIETOR 

from  home,  now  six  years,  as  scarcely  to  support 
itself.  That  my  public  allowance  (whatever  the 
world  may  think  of  it)  is  inadequate  to  the  expence 
of  living  in  this  City ;  to  such  an  extravagant  height 
has  the  necessaries  as  well  as  the  conveniences  of 
life  arisen.  And,  moreover  that  to  keep  myself  out 
of  debt ;  I  have  found  it  expedient  now  and  then  to 
sell  Lands,  or  something  else  to  effect  this  purpose." 
As  these  extensive  land  ventures  bespoke  a  na 
tional  characteristic,  so  a  liking  for  other  forms  of 
speculation  was  innate  in  the  great  American.  Dur 
ing  the  Revolution  he  tried  to  secure  an  interest  in  a 
privateer.  One  of  his  favorite  flyers  was  chances  in 
lotteries  and  raffles,  which,  if  now  found  only  in 
association  with  church  fairs,  were  then  not  merely 
respectable,  but  even  fashionable.  In  1760  five 
pounds  and  ten  shillings  were  invested  in  one  lottery. 
Five  pounds  purchased  five  tickets  in  Strother's 
lottery  in  1763.  Three  years  later  six  pounds  were 
risked  in  the  York  lottery  and  produced  prizes  to 
the  extent  of  sixteen  pounds.  Fifty  pounds  were 
put  into  Colonel  Byrd's  lottery  in  1769,  and  drew  a 
half-acre  lot  in  the  town  of  Manchester,  but  out  of 
this  Washington  was  defrauded.  In  1791  John  Potts 
was  paid  four  pounds  and  four  shillings  "  in  part  for 
20  Lottery  tickets  in  the  Alexa.  street  Lottery  at 
61  each,  14  Dollrs.  the  Bal.  was  discharged  by  2.3 
Lotr  prizes."  Twenty  tickets  of  Peregrine  and 
Fitzhugh's  lottery  cost  one  hundred  and  eighty-eight 
dollars  in  1794.  And  these  are  but  samples  of 
innumerable  instances.  So,  too,  in  raffles,  the  entries 
are  constant, — "  for  glasses  2O/,"  "  for  a  Necklace 

'35 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

£i."  "by  profit  &  loss  in  two  chances  in  raffling  for 
Encyclopadia  Britannica,  which  I  did  not  win  £1.4," 
two  tickets  were  taken  in  the  raffle  of  Mrs.  Dawson's 
coach,  as  were  chances  for  a  pair  of  silver  buckles, 
for  a  watch,  and  for  a  gun  ;  such  and  many  others 
were  smaller  ventures  Washington  took. 

There  were  other  sources  of  income  or  loss  be 
sides.  Before  the  Revolution  he  had  a  good-sized 
holding  of  Bank  of  England  stock,  and  an  annuity 
in  the  funds,  besides  considerable  property  on  bond, 
the  larger  part  of  which,  as  already  noted,  was 
liquidated  in  depreciated  paper  money.  This  paper 
money  was  for  the  most  part  put  into  United  States 
securities,  and  eventually  the  "at  least  ;£io,ooo 
Virginia  money"  proved  to  be  worth  six  thousand 
two  hundred  and  forty-six  dollars  in  government  six 
per  cents  and  three  per  cents.  A  great  believer  in 
the  Potomac  Canal  Company,  Washington  invested 
twenty-four  hundred  pounds  sterling  in  the  stock, 
which  produced  no  income,  and  in  time  showed  a 
heavy  shrinkage.  Another  and  smaller  loss  was  an 
investment  in  the  James  River  Canal  Company. 
Stock  holdings  in  the  Bank  of  Columbia  and  in  the 
Bank  of  Alexandria  proved  profitable  investments. 

None  the  less  Washington  was  a  successful  busi 
ness  man.  Though  his  property  rarely  produced  a 
net  income,  and  though  he  served  the  public  with 
practically  no  profit  (except  as  regards  bounty  lands), 
and  thus  was  compelled  frequently  to  dip  into  his 
capital  to  pay  current  expenses,  yet,  from  being  a 
surveyor  only  too  glad  to  earn  a  doubloon  (seven 
dollars  and  forty  cents)  a  day,  he  grew  steadily  in 

136 


FARMER  AND   PROPRIETOR 

wealth,  and  when  he  died  his  property,  exclusive  of 
his  wife's  and  the  Mount  Vernon  estate,  was  valued 
at  five  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  dollars.  This 
made  him  one  of  the  wealthiest  Americans  of  his 
time,  and  it  is  to  be  questioned  if  a  fortune  was 
ever  more  honestly  acquired  or  more  thoroughly 
deserved. 


137 


VI 

MASTER    AND    EMPLOYER 

IN  his  "  rules  of  civility"  Washington  enjoined 
that  "those  of  high  Degree  ought  to  treat"  "Artifi 
cers  &  Persons  of  low  Degree"  "with  affibility  & 
Courtesie,  without  Arrogancy,"  and  it  was  a  needed 
lesson  to  every  young  Virginian,  for,  as  Jefferson 
wrote,  "the  whole  commerce  between  master  and 
slave  is  a  perpetual  exercise  of  the  most  boisterous 
passions,  the  most  insulting  despotism  on  the  one 
part,  and  degrading  submissions  on  the  other." 

Augustine  Washington's  will  left  to  his  son  George 
"Ten  negro  Slaves,"  with  an  additional  share  of  those 
"not  herein  particularly  Devised,"  but  all  to  remain 
in  the  possession  of  Mary  Washington  until  the  boy 
was  twenty-one  years  of  age.  With  his  taking  pos 
session  of  the  Mount  Vernon  estate  in  his  twenty- 
second  year  eighteen  more  came  under  Washington's 
direction.  In  1754  he  bought  a  "  fellow"  for  ^40.5, 
another  (Jack)  for  ,£52.5,  and  a  negro  woman  (Clio) 
for  £50.  In  1756  he  purchased  of  the  governor  a 
negro  woman  and  child  for  £60,  and  two  years  later 
a  fellow  (Gregory)  for  £60.9.  In  the  following  year 
(the  year  of  his  marriage)  he  bought  largely :  a 
negro  (Will)  for  .£50 ;  another  for  £60 ;  nine  for 
£406,  an  average  of  £45  ;  and  a  woman  (Hannah) 
and  child,  £80.  In  1762  he  added  to  the  number 

138 


MASTER  AND   EMPLOYER 

by  purchasing  seven  of  Lee  Massey  for  £300  (an 
average  of  £43),  and  two  of  Colonel  Fielding  Lewis 
at  £115,  or  £57.10  apiece.  From  the  estate  of 
Francis  Hobbs  he  bought,  in  1764,  Ben,  £72  ;  Lewis, 
£36.10;  and  Sarah,  £20.  Another  fellow,  bought 
of  Sarah  Alexander,  cost  him  £76  ;  and  a  negro 
(Judy)  and  child,  sold  by  Garvin  Corbin,  £63.  In 
1768  Mary  Lee  sold  him  two  mulattoes  (Will  and 
Frank)  for  £61.15  and  £50,  respectively;  and  two 
boys  (negroes),  Adam  and  Frank,  for  £19  apiece. 
Five  more  were  purchased  in  1772,  and  after  that 
no  more  were  bought.  In  1760  Washington  paid 
tithes  on  forty-nine  slaves,  five  years  later  on  seventy- 
eight,  in  1770  on  eighty-seven,  and  in  1774  on  one 
hundred  and  thirty-five ;  besides  which  must  be 
included  the  "  dower  slaves"  of  his  wife.  Soon 
after  this  there  was  an  overplus,  and  Washington  in 
1778  offered  to  barter  for  some  land  "Negroes,  of 
whom  I  every  day  long  more  to  get  clear  of,"  and 
even  before  this  he  had  learned  the  economic  fact 
that  except  on  the  richest  of  soils  slaves  "  only  add 
to  the  Expence." 

In  1791  he  had  one  hundred  and  fifteen  "hands" 
on  the  Mount  Vernon  estate,  besides  house  servants, 
and  De  Warville,  describing  his  estate  in  the  same 
year,  speaks  of  his  having  three  hundred  negroes. 
At  this  time  Washington  declared  that  "  I  never 
mean  (unless  some  particular  circumstance  compel 
me  to  it)  to  possess  another  slave  by  purchase,"  but 
this  intention  was  broken,  for  "The  running  off  of 
my  cook  has  been  a  most  inconvenient  thing  to  this 
family,  and  what  rendered  it  more  disagreeable,  is 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

that  I  had  resolved  never  to  become  the  Master  of 
another  slave  by  purchase,  but  this  resolution  I  fear 
I  must  break.  I  have  endeavored  to  hire,  black  or 
white,  but  am  not  yet  supplied. " 

A  few  more  slaves  were  taken  in  payment  of  a 
debt,  but  it  was  from  necessity  rather  than  choice, 
for  at  this  very  time  Washington  had  decided  that 
"it  is  demonstratively  clear,  that  on  this  Estate 
(Mount  Vernon)  I  have  more  working  negros  by  a 
full  moiety,  than  can  be  employed  to  any  advantage 
in  the  farming  system,  and  I  shall  never  turn  Planter 
thereon.  To  sell  the  overplus  I  cannot,  because  I 
am  principled  against  this  kind  of  traffic  in  the 
human  species.  To  hire  them  out,  is  almost  as  bad, 
because  they  could  not  be  disposed  of  in  families  to 
any  advantage,  and  to  disperse  the  families  I  have 
an  aversion.  What  then  is  to  be  done  ?  Something 
must  or  I  shall  be  ruined  ;  for  all  the  money  (in 
addition  to  what  I  raise  by  crops,  and  rents)  that 
have  been  received  for  Lands,  sold  within  the  last 
four  years,  to  the  amount  of  Fifty  thousand  dollars, 
has  scarcely  been  able  to  keep  me  afloat."  And 
writing  of  one  set  he  said,  "  it  would  be  for  my 
interest  to  set  them  free,  rather  than  give  them 
victuals  and  cloaths." 

The  loss  by  runaways  was  not  apparently  large. 
In  October,  1760,  his  ledger  contains  an  item  of 
seven  shillings  "To  the  Printing  Office  ...  for 
Advertising  a  run-a-way  Negro."  In  1761  he  pays 
his  clergyman,  Rev.  Mr.  Green,  "  for  taking  up  one 
of  my  Runaway  Negroes  £4."  In  1766  rewards 
are  paid  for  the  "  taking  up"  of  "  Negro  Tom"  and 

140 


MASTER  AND  EMPLOYER 

"  Negro  Bett"  The  "taking  up  of  Harry  when 
Runaway"  in  1771  cost^i.i6.  When  the  British 
invaded  Virginia  in  1781,  a  number  escaped  or 
were  carried  away  by  the  enemy.  By  the  treaty 
of  peace  these  should  have  been  returned,  and  their 
owner  wrote,  "  Some  of  my  own  slaves,  and  those 
of  Mr.  Lund  Washington  who  lives  at  my  house 
may  probably  be  in  New  York,  but  I  am  unable  to 
give  you  their  description — their  names  being  so 
easily  changed,  will  be  fruitless  to  give  you.  If  by 
chance  you  should  come  at  the  knowledge  of  any 
of  them,  I  will  be  much  obliged  by  your  securing 
them,  so  that  I  may  obtain  them  again." 

In  1796  a  girl  absconded  to  New  England,  and 
Washington  made  inquiries  of  a  friend  as  to  the 
possibility  of  recovering  her,  adding,  "  however  well 
disposed  I  might  be  to  a  gradual  abolition,  or  even 
to  an  entire  emancipation  of  that  description  of 
people  (if  the  latter  was  in  itself  practicable)  at  this 
moment,  it  would  neither  be  politic  nor  just  to  re 
ward  unfaithfulness  with  a  premature  preference, 
and  thereby  discontent  beforehand  the  minds  of  all 
her  fellow  servants,  who,  by  their  steady  attachment, 
are  far  more  deserving  than  herself  of  favor,"  and  at 
this  time  Washington  wrote  to  a  relative,  "I  am 
sorry  to  hear  of  the  loss  of  your  servant ;  but  it  is 
my  opinion  these  elopements  will  be  much  more, 
before  they  are  less  frequent ;  and  that  the  persons 
making  them  should  never  be  retained — if  they  are 
recovered,  as  they  are  sure  to  contaminate  and  dis 
content  others." 

Another  source  of  loss  was  sickness,  which,  in 
141 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

spite  of  all  Washington  could  do,  made  constant 
inroads  on  the  numbers.  A  doctor  to  care  for  them 
was  engaged  by  the  year,  and  in  the  contracts  with 
his  overseers  clauses  were  always  inserted  that  each 
was  "  to  take  all  necessary  and  proper  care  of  the 
Negroes  committed  to  his  management  using  them 
with  proper  humanity  and  descretion,"  or  that  "he 
will  take  all  necessary  and  proper  care  of  the  negroes 
committed  to  his  management,  treating  them  with 
humanity  and  tenderness  when  sick,  and  preventing 
them  when  well,  from  running  about  and  visiting 
without  his  consent ;  as  also  forbid  strange  negroes 
frequenting  their  quarters  without  lawful  excuses  for 
so  doing." 

Furthermore,  in  writing  to  his  manager,  while  ab 
sent  from  Mount  Vernon,  Washington  reiterated 
that  "although  it  is  last  mentioned  it  is  foremost 
in  my  thoughts,  to  desire  you  will  be  particularly 
attentive  to  my  negros  in  their  sickness  ;  and  to 
order  every  overseer  positively  to  be  so  likewise  ;  for 
I  am  sorry  to  observe  that  the  generality  of  them 
view  these  poor  creatures  in  scarcely  any  other 
light  than  they  do  a  draught  horse  or  ox ;  neglect 
ing  them  as  much  when  they  are  unable  to  work  ; 
instead  of  comforting  and  nursing  them  when  they 
lye  on  a  sick  bed."  And  in  another  letter  he 
added,  "  When  I  recommended  care  of,  and  atten 
tion  to  my  negros  in  sickness,  it  was  that  the  first 
stage  of,  and  the  whole  progress  through  the  dis 
orders  with  which  they  might  be  seized  (if  more  than 
a  slight  indisposition)  should  be  closely  watched, 
and  timely  applications  and  remedies  be  adminis- 

142 


MASTER   AND   EMPLOYER 

tered  ;  especially  in  the  pleurisies,  and  all  inflamma 
tory  disorders  accompanied  with  pain,  when  a  few 
days'  neglect,  or  want  of  bleeding  might  render  the 
ailment  incurable.  In  such  cases  sweeten'd  teas, 
broths  and  (according  to  the  nature  of  the  complaint, 
and  the  doctor's  prescription)  sometimes  a  little 
wine,  may  be  necessary  to  nourish  and  restore  the 
patient ;  and  these  I  am  perfectly  willing  to  allow, 
when  it  is  requisite.  My  fear  is,  as  I  expressed  to 
you  in  a  former  letter,  that  the  under  overseers  are 
so  unfeeling,  in  short  viewing  the  negros  in  no  other 
light  than  as  a  better  kind  of  cattle,  the  moment 
they  cease  to  work,  they  cease  their  care  of  them." 

At  Mount  Vernon  his  care  for  the  slaves  was  more 
personal.  At  a  time  when  the  small-pox  was  rife  in 
Virginia  he  instructed  his  overseer  "  what  to  do  if 
the  Small  pox  should  come  amongst  them,"  and 
when  he  "  received  letters  from  Winchester,  inform 
ing  me  that  the  Small  pox  had  got  among  my  quar 
ters  in  Frederick;  [I]  determin'd  .  .  .  to  leave  town 
as  soon  as  possible,  and  proceed  up  to  them.  .  .  . 
After  taking  the  Doctors  directions  in  regard  to  my 
people  ...  I  set  out  for  my  quarters  about  12 
oclock,  time  enough  to  go  over  them  and  found 
every  thing  in  the  utmost  confusion,  disorder  and 
backwardness.  .  .  .  Got  Blankets  and  every  other 
requisite  from  Winchester,  and  settl'd  things  on  the 
best  footing  I  cou'd,  .  .  .  Val  Crawford  agreeing 
if  any  of  those  at  the  upper  quarter  got  it,  to  have 
them  remov'd  into  my  room  and  the  Nurse  sent  for." 

Other  sickness  was  equally  attended  to,  as  the  fol 
lowing  entries  in  his  diary  show  :  "  visited  my  Plan- 

*43 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

tations  and  found  two  negroes  sick  .  .  .  ordered 
them  to  be  blooded;"  "found  that  lightening  had 
struck  my  quarters  and  near  10  Negroes  in  it,  some 
very  bad  but  with  letting  blood  they  recover'd;" 
"  ordered  Lucy  down  to  the  House  to  be  Physikd," 
and  "  found  the  new  negro  Cupid,  ill  of  a  pleurisy 
at  Dogue  Run  Quarter  and  had  him  brot  home  in  a 
cart  for  better  care  of  him.  .  .  .  Cupid  extremely  111 
all  this  day  and  at  night  when  I  went  to  bed  I  thought 
him  within  a  few  hours  of  breathing  his  last." 

This  matter  of  sickness,  however,  had  another 
phase,  which  caused  Washington  much  irritation  at 
times  when  he  could  not  personally  look  into  the 
cases,  but  heard  of  them  through  the  reports  of  his 
overseers.  Thus,  he  complained  on  one  occasion, 
"  I  find  by  reports  that  Sam  is,  in  a  manner,  always 
returned  sick  ;  Doll  at  the  Ferry,  and  several  of  the 
spinners  veiy  frequently  so,  for  a  week  at  a  stretch  ; 
and  ditcher  Charles  often  laid  up  with  lameness.  I 
never  wish  my  people  to  work  when  they  are  really 
sick,  or  unfit  for  it ;  on  the  contrary,  that  all  neces 
sary  care  should  be  taken  of  them  when  they  are 
so  ;  but  if  you  do  not  examine  into  their  complaints, 
they  will  lay  by  when  no  more  ails  them,  than  all 
those  who  stick  to  their  business,  and  are  not  com 
plaining  from  the  fatigue  and  drowsiness  which  they 
feel  as  the  effect  of  night  walking  and  other  prac 
tices  which  unfit  them  for  the  duties  of  the  day." 
And  again  he  asked,  "  Is  there  anything  particular 
in  the  cases  of  Ruth,  Hannah  and  Pegg,  that  they 
have  been  returned  sick  for  several  weeks  together? 
Ruth  I  know  is  extremely  deceitful ;  she  has  been 

144 


MASTER  AND  EMPLOYER 

aiming  for  some  time  past  to  get  into  the  house,  ex 
empt  from  work  ;  but  if  they  are  not  made  to  do 
what  their  age  and  strength  will  enable  them,  it  will 
be  a  bad  example  for  others — none  of  whom  would 
work  if  by  pretexts  they  can  avoid  it." 

Other  causes  than  running  away  and  death  de 
pleted  the  stock.  One  negro  was  taken  by  the 
State  for  some  crime  and  executed,  an  allowance  of 
sixty-nine  pounds  being  made  to  his  master.  In 
1 766  an  unruly  negro  was  shipped  to  the  West  Indies 
(as  was  then  the  custom),  Washington  writing  the 
captain  of  the  vessel, — 

"With  this  letter  comes  a  negro  (Tom)  which  I  beg  the  favor  of 
you  to  sell  in  any  of  the  islands  you  may  go  to,  for  whatever  he 
will  fetch,  and  bring  me  in  return  for  him 

'  One  hhd  of  best  molasses 

'  One  ditto  of  best  rum 

'  One  barrel  of  lymes,  if  good  and  cheap 

4  One  pot  of  tamarinds,  containing  about  10  Ibs. 

'  Two  small  ditto  of  mixed  sweetmeats,  about  5  Ibs.  each. 
And  the  residue,  much  or  little,  in  good  old  spirits.  That  this  fel 
low  is  both  a  rogue  and  a  runaway  (tho*  he  was  by  no  means  re 
markable  for  the  former,  and  never  practised  the  latter  till  of  late) 
I  shall  not  pretend  to  deny.  But  that  he  is  exceeding  healthy, 
strong,  and  good  at  the  hoe,  the  whole  neighborhood  can  testify, 
and  particularly  Mr.  Johnson  and  his  son,  who  have  both  had  him 
under  them  as  foreman  of  the  gang ;  which  gives  me  reason  to  hope 
he  may  with  your  good  management  sell  well,  if  kept  clean  and 
trim'd  up  a  little  when  offered  for  sale." 

Another  "  misbehaving  fellow"  was  shipped  off  in 
1791,  and  was  sold  for  "one  pipe  and  Quarter  Cask 
of  wine  from  the  West  Indies."  Sometimes  only 
the  threat  of  such  riddance  was  used,  as  when  an 
overseer  complained  of  one  slave,  and  his  master 
replied,  "  I  am  very  sorry  that  so  likely  a  fellow  as 

10  145 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Matilda's  Ben  should  addict  himself  to  such  courses 
as  he  is  pursuing.  If  he  should  be  guilty  of  any 
atrocious  crime,  that  would  effect  his  life,  he  might 
be  given  up  to  the  civil  authority  for  trial ;  but  for 
such  offences  as  most  of  his  color  are  guilty  of,  you 
had  better  try  further  correction,  accompanied  with 
admonition  and  advice.  The  two  latter  sometimes 
succeed  where  the  first  has  failed.  He,  his  father 
and  mother  (who  I  dare  say  are  his  receivers)  may 
be  told  in  explicit  language,  that  if  a  stop  is  not  put 
to  his  rogueries  and  other  villainies,  by  fair  means 
and  shortly,  that  I  will  ship  him  off  (as  I  did  Wag 
oner  Jack)  for  the  West  Indies,  where  he  will  have 
no  opportunity  of  playing  such  pranks  as  he  is  at 
present  engaged  in." 

It  is  interesting  to  note,  in  connection  with  this 
conclusion,  that  "  admonition  and  advice"  were  able 
to  do  what  "  correction"  sometimes  failed  to  achieve, 
that  there  is  not  a  single  order  to  whip,  and  that  the 
above  case,  and  that  which  follows,  are  the  only 
known  cases  where  punishment  was  approved. 
"The  correction  you  gave  Ben,  for  his  assault  on 
Sambo,  was  just  and  proper.  It  is  my  earnest  de 
sire  that  quarrels  may  be  stopped  or  punishment  of 
both  parties  follow,  unless  it  shall  appear  clearly, 
that  one  only  is  to  blame,  and  the  other  forced  into 
[a  quarrel]  from  self-defence."  In  one  other  in 
stance  Washington  wrote,  "  If  Isaac  had  his  deserts 
he  would  receive  a  severe  punishment  for  the  house, 
tools  and  seasoned  stuf^  which  has  been  burned 
by  his  carelessness."  But  instead  of  ordering  the 
"  deserts"  he  continued,  "  I  wish  you  to  inform  him, 

146 


MASTER  AND   EMPLOYER 

that  I  sustain  injury  enough  by  their  idleness  ;  they 
need  not  add  to  it  by  their  carelessness." 

This  is  the  more  remarkable,  because  his  slaves 
gave  him  constant  annoyance  by  their  wastefulness 
and  sloth  and  dishonesty.  Thus,  "  Paris  has  grown 
to  be  so  lazy  and  self-willed"  that  his  master  does 
not  know  what  to  with  him ;  "  Doll  at  the  Ferry 
must  be  taught  to  knit,  and  made  to  do  a  sufficient 
day's  work  of  it — otherwise  (if  suffered  to  be  idle) 
many  more  will  walk  in  her  steps  ;"  "  it  is  observed 
by  the  weekly  reports,  that  the  sewers  make  only 
six  shirts  a  week,  and  the  last  week  Carolina  (with 
out  being  sick)  made  only  five.  Mrs.  Washington 
says  their  usual  task  was  to  make  nine  with  shoulder 
straps  and  good  sewing.  Tell  them  therefore  from 
me,  that  what  has  been  done,  shall  be  done  ;"  "  none 
I  think  call  louder  for  [attention]  than  the  smiths, 
who,  from  a  variety  of  instances  which  fell  within  my 
own  observation  whilst  I  was  at  home,  I  take  to  be 
two  very  idle  fellows.  A  daily  account  (which  ought 
to  be  regularly)  taken  of  their  work,  would  alone  go 
a  great  way  towards  checking  their  idleness."  And 
the  overseer  was  told  to  watch  closely  "the  people 
who  are  at  work  with  the  gardener,  some  of  whom  I 
know  to  be  as  lazy  and  deceitful  as  any  in  the  world 
(Sam  particularly)." 

Furthermore,  the  overseers  were  warned  to  "  en 
deavor  to  make  the  Servants  and  Negroes  take 
care  of  their  cloathes  ;"  to  give  them  "a  weekly  al 
lowance  of  Meat  .  .  .  because  the  annual  one  is  not 
taken  care  of  but  either  profusely  used  or  stolen ;" 
and  to  note  "the  delivery  to  and  the  application  of 

147 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

nails  by  the  carpenters,  .  .  .  [for]  I  cannot  con 
ceive  how  it  is  possible  that  6000  twelve  penny 
nails  could  be  used  in  the  corn  house  at  River  Plan 
tation  ;  but  of  one  thing  I  have  no  great  doubt,  and 
that  is,  if  they  can  be  applied  to  other  uses,  or  con 
verted  into  cash,  rum  or  other  things  there  will  be 
no  scruple  in  doing  it." 

When  robbed  of  some  potatoes,  Washington 
complained  that  "  the  deception  ...  is  of  a  piece 
with  other  practices  of  a  similar  kind  by  which  I 
have  suffered  hitherto  ;  and  may  serve  to  evince  to 
you,  in  strong  colors,  first  how  little  confidence  can 
be  placed  in  any  one  round  you  ;  and  secondly  the 
necessity  of  an  accurate  inspection  into  these  things 
yourself, — for  to  be  plain,  Alexandria  is  such  a  re- 
cepticle  for  every  thing  that  can  be  filched  from  the 
right  owners,  by  either  blacks  or  whites  ;  and  I  have 
such  an  opinion  of  my  negros  (two  or  three  only  ex- 
cepted),  and  not  much  better  of  some  of  the  whites, 
that  I  am  perfectly  sure  not  a  single  thing  that  can 
be  disposed  of  at  any  price,  at  that  place,  that  will 
not,  and  is  not  stolen,  where  it  is  possible  ;  and  car 
ried  thither  to  some  of  the  underlying  keepers,  who 
support  themselves  by  this  kind  of  traffick."  He 
dared  not  leave  wine  unlocked,  even  for  the  use  of 
his  guests,  "  because  the  knowledge  I  have  of  my 
servants  is  such,  as  to  believe,  that  if  opportunities 
are  given  them,  they  will  take  off  two  glasses  of 
wine  for  every  one  that  is  drank  by  such  visitors, 
and  tell  you  they  were  used  by  them."  And  when 
he  had  some  work  to  do  requiring  very  ordinary 
qualities,  he  had  to  confess  that  "  I  know  not  a  negro 

148 


MASTER   AND   EMPLOYER 

among  all  mine,  whose  capacity,  integrity  and  atten 
tion  could  be  relied  on  for  such  a  trust  as  this." 

Whatever  his  opinion  of  his  slaves,  Washington 
was  a  kind  master.  In  one  case  he  wrote  a  letter 
for  one  of  them  when  the  "  fellow'*  was  parted  from 
his  wife  in  the  service  of  his  master,  and  at  another 
time  he  enclosed  letters  to  a  wife  and  to  James's 
"  del  Toboso,"  for  two  of  his  servants,  to  save  them 
postage.  In  reference  to  their  rations  he  wrote, 
"  whether  this  addition  ...  is  sufficient,  I  will  not 
undertake  to  decide  ; — but  in  most  explicit  language 
I  desire  they  may  have  plenty  ;  for  I  will  not  have 
my  feelings  hurt  with  complaints  of  this  sort,  nor  lye 
under  the  imputation  of  starving  my  negros,  and 
thereby  driving  them  to  the  necessity  of  thieving  to 
supply  the  deficiency.  To  prevent  waste  or  em 
bezzlement  is  the  only  inducement  to  allowancing 
of  them  at  all — for  if,  instead  of  a  peck  they  could 
eat  a  bushel  of  meal  a  week  fairly,  and  required  it,  I 
would  not  withhold  or  begrudge  it  them."  At 
Christmas-time  there  are  entries  in  his  ledger  for 
whiskey  or  rum  for  "  the  negroes,"  and  towards  the 
end  of  his  life  he  ordered  the  overseer,  "although 
others  are  getting  out  of  the  practice  of  using  spirits 
at  Harvest,  yet,  as  my  people  have  always  been 
accustomed  to  it,  a  hogshead  of  Rum  must  be  pur 
chased  ;  but  I  request  at  the  same  time,  that  it  may 
be  used  sparingly." 

A  greater  kindness  of  his  was,  in  1/87,  when  he 
very  much  desired  a  negro  mason  offered  for  sale, 
yet  directed  his  agent  that  "  if  he  has  a  family,  with 
which  he  is  to  be  sold  ;  or  from  whom  he  would  re- 

149 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

luctantly  part,  I  decline  the  purchase  ;  his  feelings  I 
would  not  be  the  means  of  hurting  in  the  latter  case, 
nor  at  any  rate  be  incumbered  with  the  former.'* 

The  kindness  thus  indicated  bore  fruit  in  a  real 
attachment  of  the  slaves  for  their  master.  In  Hum- 
phreys's  poem  on  Washington  the  poet  alluded  to 
the  negroes  at  Mount  Vernon  in  the  lines, — 

"Where  that  foul  stain  of  manhood,  slavery,  flow'd 
Through  Afric's  sons  transmitted  in  the  blood ; 
Hereditary  slaves  his  kindness  shar'd, 
For  manumission  by  degrees  prepar'd  : 
Re  turn 'd  from  war,  I  saw  them  round  him  press, 
And  all  their  speechless  glee  by  artless  signs  express." 

And  in  a  foot-note  the  writer  added,  "  The  interesting 
scene  of  his  return  home,  at  which  the  author  was 
present,  is  described  exactly  as  it  existed." 

A  single  one  of  these  slaves  deserves  further  notice. 
His  body-servant  "  Billy"  was  purchased  by  Wash 
ington  in  1768  for  sixty-eight  pounds  and  fifteen 
shillings,  and  was  his  constant  companion  during  the 
war,  even  riding  after  his  master  at  reviews  ;  and 
this  servant  was  so  associated  with  the  General  that 
it  was  alleged  in  the  preface  to  the  "  forged  letters" 
that  they  had  been  captured  by  the  British  from 
"Billy,"  "an  old  servant  of  General  Washington's." 
When  Savage  painted  his  well-known  "family  group," 
this  was  the  one  slave  included  in  the  picture.  In 
1784  Washington  told  his  Philadelphia  agent  that 
"The  mulatto  fellow,  William,  who  has  been  with 
me  all  the  war,  is  attached  (married  he  says)  to  one 
of  his  own  color,  a  free  woman,  who  during  the  war, 
was  also  of  my  family.  She  has  been  in  an  infirm 

150 


MASTER  AND   EMPLOYER 

condition  for  some  time,  and  I  had  conceived  that 
the  connexion  between  them  had  ceased  ;  but  I  am 
mistaken  it  seems;  they  are  both  applying  to  get 
her  here,  and  tho'  I  never  wished  to  see  her  more,  I 
cannot  refuse  his  request  (if  it  can  be  complied  with 
on  reasonable  terms)  as  he  has  served  me  faithfully 
for  many  years.  After  premising  this  much,  I  have 
to  beg  the  favor  of  you  to  procure  her  a  passage  to 
Alexandria." 

When  acting  as  chain-bearer  in  1785,  while  Wash 
ington  was  surveying  a  tract  of  land,  William  fell 
and  broke  his  knee-pan,  ''which  put  a  stop  to  my 
surveying ;  and  with  much  difficulty  I  was  able  to 
get  him  to  Abington,  being  obliged  to  get  a  sled 
to  carry  him  on,  as  he  could  neither  walk,  stand  or 
ride."  From  this  injury  Lee  never  quite  recovered, 
yet  he  started  to  accompany  his  master  to  New  York 
in  1789,  only  to  give  out  on  the  road.  He  was  left 
at  Philadelphia,  and  Lear  wrote  to  Washington's 
agent  that  "The  President  will  thank  you  to  propose 
it  to  Will  to  return  to  Mount  Vernon  when  he  can 
be  removed  for  he  cannot  be  of  any  service  here,  and 
perhaps  will  require  a  person  to  attend  upon  him 
constantly.  If  he  should  incline  to  return  to  Mount 
Vernon,  you  will  be  so  kind  as  to  have  him  sent  in 
the  first  Vessel  that  sails  for  Alexandria  after  he  can 
be  moved  with  safety — but  if  he  is  still  anxious  to 
come  on  here  the  President  would  gratify  him,  altho' 
he  will  be  troublesome — He  has  been  an  old  and 
faithful  Servant,  this  is  enough  for  the  President  to 
gratify  him  in  every  reasonable  wish." 

By  his  will  Washington  gave  Lee  his  "  immediate 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

freedom  or  if  he  should  prefer  it  (on  account  of  the 
accidents  which  have  befallen  him  and  which  have 
rendered  him  incapable  of  walking  or  of  any  active 
employment)  to  remain  in  the  situation  he  now  is,  it 
shall  be  optional  in  him  to  do  so — In  either  case 
however  I  allow  him  an  annuity  of  thirty  dollars 
during  his  natural  life  which  shall  be  independent  of 
the  victuals  and  cloaths  he  has  been  accustomed  to 
receive  ;  if  he  chuses  the  last  alternative,  but  in  full 
with  his  freedom,  if  he  prefers  the  first,  and  this  I 
give  him  as  a  testimony  of  my  sense  of  his  attach 
ment  to  me  and  for  his  faithful  services  during  the 
Revolutionary  War." 

Two  small  incidents  connected  with  Washington's 
last  illness  are  worth  noting.  The  afternoon  before 
the  night  he  was  taken  ill,  although  he  had  himself 
been  superintending  his  affairs  on  horseback  in  the 
storm  most  of  the  day,  yet  when  his  secretary  "  car 
ried  some  letters  to  him  to  frank,  intending  to  send 
them  to  the  Post  Office  in  the  evening,"  Lear  tells 
us  "he  franked  the  letters ;  but  said  the  weather 
was  too  bad  to  send  a  servant  up  to  the  office  that 
evening."  Lear  continues,  "The  General's  servant, 
Christopher,  attended  his  bed  side  &  in  the  room, 
when  he  was  sitting  up,  through  his  whole  illness.  .  .  . 
In  the  [last]  afternoon  the  General  observing  that 
Christopher  had  been  standing  by  his  bed  side  for  a 
long  time — made  a  motion  for  him  to  sit  in  a  chair 
which  stood  by  the  bed  side." 

A  clause  in  Washington's  will  directed  that 

"  Upon  the  decease  of  my  wife  it  is  ray  will  and  desire  that  all  the 
slaves  which  I  hold  in  my  man  right  shall  receive  their  freedom — To 

152 


MASTER  AND   EMPLOYER 

emancipate  them  during  her  life,  would,  tho  earnestly  wished  by  me, 
be  attended  with  such  insuperable  difficulties,  on  account  of  their 
intermixture  of  marriages  with  the  Dower  negroes  as  to  excite  the 
most  painful  sensations — if  not  disagreeable  consequences  from  the 
latter,  while  both  descriptions  are  in  the  occupancy  of  the  same  pro 
prietor,  it  not  being  in  my  power  under  the  tenure  by  which  the 
dower  Negroes  are  held  to  manumit  them — And  whereas  among 
those  who  will  receive  freedom  according  to  this  devise  there  may 
be  some  who  from  old  age,  or  bodily  infirmities  &  others  who  on 
account  of  their  infancy,  that  will  be  unable  to  support  themselves, 
it  is  my  will  and  desire  that  all  who  come  under  the  first  and  second 
description  shall  be  comfortably  cloathed  and  fed  by  my  heirs  while 
they  live  and  that  such  of  the  latter  description  as  have  no  parents 
living,  or  if  living  are  unable  or  unwilling  to  provide  for  them,  shall 
be  bound  by  the  Court  until  they  shall  arrive  at  the  age  of  twenty 
five  years.  .  .  .  The  negroes  thus  bound  are  (by  their  masters  and 
mistresses)  to  be  taught  to  read  and  write  and  to  be  brought  up  to 
some  useful  occupation." 


In  this  connection  Washington's  sentiments  on 
slavery  as  an  institution  may  be  glanced  at  As 
early  as  1784  he  replied  to  Lafayette,  when  told  of 
a  colonizing  plan,  "The  scheme,  my  dear  Marqs., 
which  you  propose  as  a  precedent  to  encourage  the 
emancipation  of  the  black  people  of  this  Country 
from  that  state  of  Bondage  in  wch.  they  are  held,  is 
a  striking  evidence  of  the  benevolence  of  your  Heart 
I  shall  be  happy  to  join  you  in  so  laudable  a  work  ; 
but  will  defer  going  into  a  detail  of  the  business,  till 
I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you."  A  year  later, 
when  Francis  Asbury  was  spending  a  day  in  Mount 
Vernon,  the  clergyman  asked  his  host  if  he  thought 
it  wise  to  sign  a  petition  for  the  emancipation  of 
slaves.  Washington  replied  that  it  would  not  be 
proper  for  him,  but  added,  "  If  the  Maryland  Assem 
bly  discusses  the  matter ;  I  will  address  a  letter  to 

»53 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

that  body  on  the  subject,  as  I  have  always  approved 
of  it." 

When  South  Carolina  refused  to  pass  an  act  to 
end  the  slave-trade,  he  wrote  to  a  friend  in  that 
State,  "  I  must  say  that  I  lament  the  decision  of 
your  legislature  upon  the  question  of  importing 
slaves  after  March  1793.  I  was  in  hopes  that  mo 
tives  of  policy  as  well  as  other  good  reasons,  sup 
ported  by  the  direful  effects  of  slavery,  which  at  this 
moment  are  presented,  would  have  operated  to  pro 
duce  a  total  prohibition  of  the  importation  of  slaves, 
whenever  the  question  came  to  be  agitated  in  any 
State,  that  might  be  interested  in  the  measure." 
For  his  own  State  he  expressed  the  "  wish  from  my 
soul  that  the  Legislature  of  this  State  could  see  the 
policy  of  a  gradual  Abolition  of  Slavery ;  it  would 
prev't  much  future  mischief/'  And  to  a  Pennsyl- 
vanian  he  expressed  the  sentiment,  "  I  hope  it  will 
not  be  conceived  from  these  observations,  that  it  is 
my  wish  to  hold  the  unhappy  people,  who  are  the 
subject  of  this  letter,  in  slavery.  I  can  only  say, 
that  there  is  not  a  man  living,  who  wishes  more 
sincerely  than  I  do  to  see  a  plan  adopted  for  the 
abolition  of  it ;  but  there  is  only  one  proper  and 
effectual  mode  by  which  it  can  be  accomplished, 
and  that  is  by  legislative  authority  ;  and  this,  as  far 
as  my  suffrage  will  go,  shall  never  be  wanting." 

Washington  by  no  means  restricted  himself  to 
slave  servitors.  Early  in  life  he  took  into  his  service 
John  Alton  at  thirteen  pounds  per  annum,  and  this 
white  man  served  as  his  body-servant  in  the  Braddock 
campaign,  and  Washington  found  in  the  march  that 


MASTER  AND   EMPLOYER 

"  A  most  serious  inconvenience  attended  me  in  my 
sickness,  and  that  was  the  losing  the  use  of  my  ser 
vant,  for  poor  John  Alton  was  taken  about  the  same 
time  that  I  was,  and  with  nearly  the  same  disorder, 
and  was  confined  as  long ;  so  that  we  did  not  see 
each  other  for  several  days."  As  elsewhere  noticed, 
Washington  succeeded  to  the  services  of  Braddock's 
body-servant,  Thomas  Bishop,  on  the  death  of  the 
general,  paying  the  man  ten  pounds  a  year. 

These  two  were  his  servants  in  his  trip  to  Boston 
in  1756,  and  in  preparation  for  that  journey  Wash 
ington  ordered  his  English  agent  to  send  him  "  2 
complete  livery  suits  for  servants  ;  with  a  spare  cloak 
and  all  other  necessary  trimmings  for  two  suits  more. 
I  would  have  you  choose  the  livery  by  our  arms, 
only  as  the  field  of  the  arms  is  white,  I  think  the 
clothes  had  better  not  be  quite  so,  but  nearly  like 
the  inclosed.  The  trimmings  and  facings  of  scarlet, 
and  a  scarlet  waist  coat  If  livery  lace  is  not  quite 
disused,  I  should  be  glad  to  have  the  cloaks  laced. 
I  like  that  fashion  best,  and  two  silver  laced  hats  for 
the  above  servants." 

For  some  reason  Bishop  left  his  employment,  but 
in  1760  Washington  "wrote  to  my  old  servant 
Bishop  to  return  to  me  again  if  he  was  not  otherwise 
engaged,"  and,  the  man  being  "very  desirous  of 
returning,"  the  old  relation  was  reassumed.  Alton 
in  the  mean  time  had  been  promoted  to  be  overseer 
of  one  of  the  plantations.  In  1785  their  master 
noted  in  his  diary,  "  Last  night  Jno  Alton  an  Overseer 
of  mine  in  the  Neck — an  old  &  faithful  Servant  who 
has  lived  with  me  30  odd  years  died — and  this  even- 

155 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

ing  the  wife  of  Thos.  Bishop,  another  old  Servant 
who  had  lived  with  me  an  equal  number  of  years 
also  died."  Both  were  remembered  in  his  will  by  a 
clause  giving  "To  Sarah  Green  daughter  of  the 
deceased  Thomas  Bishop,  and  to  Ann  Walker, 
daughter  of  John  Alton,  also  deceased  I  give  each 
one  hundred  dollars,  in  consideration  of  the  attach 
ment  of  their  father[s]  to  me,  each  of  whom  having 
lived  nearly  forty  years  in  my  family." 

Of  Washington's  general  treatment  of  the  serving 
class  a  few  facts  can  be  gleaned.  He  told  one  of 
his  overseers,  in  reference  to  the  sub-overseers,  that 
"  to  treat  them  civilly  is  no  more  than  what  all  men 
are  entitled  to,  but  my  advice  to  you  is,  to  keep  them 
at  a  proper  distance  ;  for  they  will  grow  upon  famil 
iarity,  in  proportion  as  you  will  sink  in  authority  if 
you  do  not"  To  a  housekeeper  he  promised  "a 
warm,  decent  and  comfortable  room  to  herself,  to 
lodge  in,  and  will  eat  of  the  victuals  of  our  Table, 
but  not  set  at  it,  or  at  any  time  with  us  be  her 
appearance  what  it  may  ;  for  if  this  was  once  admitted 
no  line  satisfactory  to  either  party,  perhaps  could  be 
drawn  thereafter." 

In  visiting  he  feed  liberally,  good  examples  of 
which  are  given  in  the  cash  account  of  the  visit  to 
Boston  in  1756,  when  he  "Gave  to  Servants  on  ye 
Road  io/."  "By  Cash  Mr.  Malbones  servants 
£4.0.0."  "The  Chambermaid  £1.2.6."  When  the 
wife  of  his  old  steward,  Fraunces,  came  to  need,  he 
gave  her  "  for  Charity  £i.  17.6."  The  majority  will 
sympathize  rather  than  disapprove  of  his  opinion 
when  he  wrote,  "  Workmen  in  most  Countries  I  be- 


MASTER  AND  EMPLOYER 

lieve  are  necessary  plagues  ; — in  this  where  entreaties 
as  well  as  money  must  be  used  to  obtain  their  work 
and  keep  them  to  their  duty  they  baffle  all  calcula 
tion  in  the  accomplishment  of  any  plan  or  repairs 
they  are  engaged  in  ; — and  require  more  attention 
to  and  looking  after  than  can  be  well  conceived." 

The  overseers  of  his  many  plantations,  and  his 
"master"  carpenters,  millers,  and  gardeners,  were 
quite  as  great  trials  as  his  slaves.  First  "  young 
Stephens"  gave  him  much  trouble,  which  his  diary 
reports  in  a  number  of  sententious  entries  :  "  visited 
my  Plantation.  Severely  reprimanded  young  Ste 
phens  for  his  Indolence,  and  his  father  for  suffering 
it;"  "forbid  Stephens  keeping  any  horses  upon  my 
expence  ;"  "visited  my  quarters  &  ye  Mill,  according 
to  custom  found  young  Stephens  absent;"  "visited 
my  Plantation  and  found  to  my  great  surprise  Ste 
phens  constantly  at  work  ;"  "rid  out  to  my  Plantn. 
and  to  my  Carpenters.  Found  Richard  Stephens 
hard  at  work  with  an  ax — Very  extraordinary  this  !" 

Again  he  records,  "  Visited  my  Plantations — found 
Foster  had  been  absent  from  his  charge  since  the 
28th  ulto.  Left  orders  for  him  to  come  immediately 
to  me  upon  his  return,  and  repremanded  him 
severely."  Of  another,  Simpson,  "I  never  hear  .  .  . 
without  a  degree  of  warmth  &  vexation  at  his  ex 
treme  stupidity,"  and  elsewhere  he  expresses  his 
disgust  at  "that  confounded  fellow  Simpson."  A 
third  spent  all  the  fall  and  half  the  winter  in  getting 
in  his  crop,  and  "  if  there  was  any  way  of  making 
such  a  rascal  as  Garner  pay  for  such  conduct,  no 
punishment  would  be  too  great  for  him.  I  suppose 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

he  never  turned  out  of  mornings  until  the  sun  had 
warmed  the  earth,  and  if  he  did  not,  the  negros 
would  not."  His  chief  overseer  was  directed  to 
"  Let  Mr.  Crow  know  that  I  view  with  a  very  evil 
eye  the  frequent  reports  made  by  him  of  sheep  dy 
ing  ;  .  .  .  frequent  natural  deaths  is  a  very  strong 
evidence  to  my  mind  of  the  want  of  care  or  some 
thing  worse." 

Curious  distinctions  were  made  oftentimes.  Thus, 
in  the  contract  with  an  overseer,  one  clause  was  in 
serted  to  the  effect,  "And  whereas  there  are  a  num 
ber  of  whiskey  stills  very  contiguous  to  the  said  Plan 
tations,  and  many  idle,  drunken  and  dissolute  People 
continually  resorting  to  the  same,  priding  themselves 
in  debauching  sober  and  well-inclined  Persons,  the 
said  Edd  Voilett  doth  promise  as  well  for  his  own 
sake  as  his  employers  to  avoid  them  as  he  ought." 
To  the  contrary,  in  hiring  a  gardener,  it  was  agreed 
as  part  of  the  compensation  that  the  man  should 
have  "  four  dollars  at  Christmas,  with  which  he  may 
be  drunk  for  four  days  and  four  nights ;  two  dollars 
at  Easter  to  effect  the  same  purpose  ;  two  dollars  at 
Whitsuntide  to  be  drunk  for  two  days  ;  a  dram  in  the 
morning,  and  a  drink  of  grog  at  dinner  at  noon." 

With  more  true  kindness  Washington  wrote  to 
one  of  his  underlings,  "  I  was  very  glad  to  receive 
your  letter  of  the  3ist  ultimo,  because  I  was  afraid, 
from  the  accounts  given  me  of  your  spitting  blood, 
.  .  .  that  you  would  hardly  have  been  able  to  have 
written  at  all.  And  it  is  my  request  that  you  will 
not,  by  attempting  more  than  you  are  able  to 
undergo,  with  safety  and  convenience,  injure  your- 

158 


MASTER   AND   EMPLOYER 

self,  and  thereby  render  me  a  disservice.  ...  I  had 
rather  therefore  hear  that  you  had  nursed  than  ex 
posed  yourself.  And  the  things  which  I  sent  from 
this  place  (I  mean  the  wine,  tea,  coffee  and  sugar) 
and  such  other  matters  as  you  may  lay  in  by  the 
doctor's  direction  for  the  use  of  the  sick,  I  desire 
you  will  make  use  of  as  your  own  personal  occasions 
may  require." 

Of  one  Butler  he  had  employed  to  overlook  his 
gardeners,  but  who  proved  hopelessly  unfit,  Wash 
ington  said,  "  sure  I  am,  there  is  no  obligation  upon 
me  to  retain  him  from  charitable  motives  ;  when  he 
ought  rather  to  be  punished  as  an  imposter :  for  he 
well  knew  the  services  he  had  to  perform,  and  which 
he  promised  to  fulfil  with  zeal,  activity,  and  intelli 
gence."  Yet  when  the  man  was  discharged  his  em 
ployer  gave  him  a  "character:"  "If  his  activity, 
spirit,  and  ability  in  the  management  of  Negroes, 
were  equal  to  his  honesty,  sobriety  and  industry, 
there  would  not  be  the  least  occasion  for  a  change,'"' 
and  Butler  was  paid  his  full  wages,  no  deduction 
being  made  for  lost  time,  "  as  I  can  better  afford  to 
be  without  the  money  than  he  can." 

Another  thoroughly  incompetent  man  was  one 
employed  to  take  charge  of  the  negro  carpenters,  of 
whom  his  employer  wrote,  "  I  am  apprehensive  .  .  . 
that  Green  never  will  overcome  his  propensity  to 
drink  ;  that  it  is  this  which  occasions  his  frequent 
sickness,  absences  from  work  and  poverty.  And  1 
am  convinced,  moreover,  that  it  answers  no  purpose 
to  admonish  him."  Yet,  though  "  I  am  so  well  satis 
fied  of  Thomas  Green's  unfitness  to  look  after  Car- 

159 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

penters,"  for  a  time  "the  helpless  situation  in  which 
you  find  his  family,  has  prevailed  on  me  to  retain 
him,"  and  when  he  finally  had  to  be  discharged  for 
drinking,  Washington  said,  "  Nothing  but  compassion 
for  his  helpless  family,  has  hitherto  induced  me  to 
keep  him  a  moment  in  my  service  (so  bad  is  the 
example  he  sets) ;  but  if  he  has  no  regard  for  them 
himself,  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  I  am  to  be  a 
continual  sufferer  on  this  account  for  his  misconduct." 
His  successor  needed  the  house  the  family  lived  in, 
but  Washington  could  not  "  bear  the  thought  of  add 
ing  to  the  distress  I  know  they  must  be  in,  by  turn 
ing  them  adrift ;  ...  It  would  be  better  therefore 
on  all  accounts  if  they  were  removed  to  some  other 
place,  even  if  I  was  to  pay  the  rent,  provided  it  was 
low,  or  make  some  allowance  towards  it." 

To  many  others,  besides  family,  friends,  and  em 
ployees,  Washington  was  charitable.  From  an  early 
date  his  ledger  contains  frequent  items  covering  gifts 
to  the  needy.  To  mention  a  tenth  of  them  would 
take  too  much  space,  but  a  few  typical  entries  are 
worth  quoting : 

"  By  Cash  gave  a  Soldiers  wife  5; ;"  "To  a  crippled  man5/;" 
"Gave  a  man  who  had  his  House  Burnt  £l.  ;"  "By  a  begging 
woman  /5  ;"  "By  Cash  gave  for  the  Sufferers  at  Boston  by  fire 
£12  ;"  "  By  a  wounded  soldier  io/ ;"  "  Alexandria  Academy,  support 
of  a  teacher  of  Orphan  children  j&jo  ;"  "By  Charity  to  an  invalid 
wounded  Soldier  who  came  from  Redston  with  a  petition  for  Charity 
l8/;"  "  Gave  a  poor  man  by  the  President's  order  $2-,"  "  Delivd 
to  the  President  to  send  to  two  distress'd  french  women  at  Newcastle 
$25  ;"  "  Gave  Pothe  a  poor  old  man  by  the  President's  order  $2  ;" 
"  Gave  a  poor  sailor  by  the  Presdt  order  $l  ;"  "  Gave  a  poor  blind 
man  by  the  Presdt  order  $1.50 ;"  "By  Madame  de  Seguer  a  french 
Lady  in  distress  gave  her  #50 ;"  "By  Subscription  paid  to  Mr.  Jas. 

160 


MASTER  AND  EMPLOYER 

Blythe  towards  erecting  and  Supporting  an  Academy  in  the  State  of 
Kentucky  $ioo;"  "By  Subscription  towards  an  Academy  in  the 
South  Western  Territory  £100;"  "By  Charity  sent  Genl  Charles 
Pinckney  in  Columbus  Bank  Notes,  for  the  sufferers  by  the  fire  in 
Charleston  So.  Carolina  $300;"  "  By  Charity  gave  to  the  sufferers 
by  fire  in  Geo.  Town  $IO;"  "By  an  annual  Donation  to  the 
Academy  at  Alexandria  pd.  Dr.  Cook  £166.67;"  "By  Charity  to 
the  poor  of  Alexandria  deld.  to  the  revd.  Dr.  Muir  #100." 

To  an  overseer  he  said,  concerning  a  distant  rela 
tive,  "  Mrs.  Haney  should  endeavor  to  do  what  she 
can  for  herself — this  is  a  duty  incumbent  on  every 
one  ;  but  you  must  not  let  her  suffer,  as  she  has 
thrown  herself  upon  me  ;  your  advances  on  this 
account  will  be  allowed  always,  at  settlement ;  and  I 
agree  readily  to  furnish  her  with  provisions,  and  for 
the  good  character  you  give  of  her  daughter  make 
the  latter  a  present  in  my  name  of  a  handsome  but 
not  costly  gown,  and  other  things  which  she  may 
stand  most  in  need  of.  You  may  charge  me  also 
with  the  worth  of  your  tenement  in  which  she  is 
placed,  and  where  perhaps  it  is  better  she  should  be 
than  at  a  great  distance  from  your  attentions  to  her." 

After  the  terrible  attack  of  fever  in  Philadelphia 
in  1793,  Washington  wrote  to  a  clergyman  of  that 
city,— 

"  It  has  been  my  intention  ever  since  my  return  to  the  city,  to 
contribute  my  mite  towards  the  relief  of  the  most  needy  inhabitants 
of  it.  The  pressure  of  public  business  hitherto  has  suspended,  but 
not  altered  my  resolution.  I  am  at  a  loss,  however,  for  whose 
benefit  to  apply  the  little  I  can  give,  and  in  whose  hands  to  place  it ; 
whether  for  the  use  of  the  fatherless  children  and  widows,  made  so 
by  the  late  calamity,  who  may  find  it  difficult,  whilst  provisions,  wood, 
and  other  necessaries  are  so  dear,  to  support  themselves  ;  or  to  other 
and  better  purposes,  if  any,  I  know  not,  and  therefore  have  taken 
the  liberty  of  asking  your  advice.  I  persuade  myself  justice  will  be 
II  161 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

done  to  my  motives  for  giving  you  this  trouble.  To  obtain  informa 
tion,  and  to  render  the  little  I  can  afford,  without  ostentation  or 
mention  of  my  name,  are  the  sole  objects  of  these  inquiries.  With 
great  and  sincere  esteem  and  regard,  I  am,  &c." 

His  adopted  grandson  he  advised  to  "  never  let  an 
indigent  person  ask,  without  receiving  something-  if 
you  have  the  means  ;  always  recollecting  in  what 
light  the  widow's  mite  was  viewed."  And  when  he 
took  command  of  the  army  in  1775,  the  relative 
who  took  charge  of  his  affairs  was  told  to  "  let  the 
hospitality  of  the  house,  with  respect  to  the  poor,  be 
kept  up.  Let  no  one  go  hungry  away.  If  any  of 
this  kind  of  people  should  be  in  want  of  corn,  sup 
ply  their  necessities,  provided  it  does  not  encourage 
them  in  idleness  ;  and  I  have  no  objection  to  your 
giving  my  money  in  charity,  to  the  amount  of  forty 
or  fifty  pounds  a  year,  when  you  think  it  well  be 
stowed.  What  I  mean  by  having  no  objection  is, 
that  it  is  my  desire  that  it  should  be  done.  You  are 
to  consider,  that  neither  myself  nor  wife  is  now  in 
the  way  to  do  these  good  offices." 


102 


VII 

SOCIAL    LIFE 

THERE  can  be  no  doubt  that  Washington,  like  the 
Virginian  of  his  time,  was  pre-eminently  social.  It  is 
true  that  late  in  life  he  complained,  as  already 
quoted,  that  his  home  had  become  a  "well  resorted 
tavern,"  and  that  at  his  own  table  "  I  rarely  miss 
seeing  strange  faces,  come  as  they  say  out  of  respect 
for  me.  Pray,  would  not  the  word  curiosity  answer 
as  well  ?"  but  even  in  writing  this  he  added,  "  how 
different  this  from  having  a  few  social  friends  at  a 
cheerful  board  !"  When  a  surveyor  he  said  that  the 
greatest  pleasure  he  could  have  would  be  to  hear  from 
or  be  with  "  my  Intimate  friends  and  acquaintances ;" 
to  one  he  wrote,  "  I  hope  you  in  particular  will  not 
Bauk  me  of  what  I  so  ardently  wish  for,"  and  he 
groaned  over  being  "  amongst  a  parcel  of  barbarians." 
While  in  the  Virginia  regiment  he  complained  of  a 
system  of  rations  which  "  deprived  me  of  the  pleas 
ure  of  inviting  an  officer  or  friend,  which  to  me 
would  be  more  agreeable,  than  nick-nacks  I  shall 
meet  with,"  and  when  he  was  once  refused  leave  of 
absence  by  the  governor,  he  replied  bitterly,  "  it  was 
not  to  enjoy  a  party  of  pleasure  I  wanted  a  leave  of 
absence  ;  I  have  been  indulged  with  few  of  these, 
winter  or  summer !"  At  Mount  Vernon,  if  a  day 
was  spent  without  company  the  fact  was  almost 

163 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

always  noted  in  his  diary,  and  in  a  visit,  too,  he  noted 
that  he  had  "  a  very  lonesome  Evening  at  Colo 
Champe's,  not  any  Body  favoring  us  with  their  Com 
pany  but  himself." 

The  plantation  system  which  prevented  town  life 
and  put  long  distances  between  neighbors  developed 
two  forms  of  society.  One  of  these  was  house  par 
ties,  and  probably  nowhere  else  in  the  world  was 
that  form  of  hospitality  so  unstinted  as  in  this  colony. 
Any  one  of  a  certain  social  standing  was  privileged, 
even  welcomed,  to  ride  up  to  the  seat  of  a  planter, 
dismount,  and  thus  become  a  guest,  ceasing  to  be 
such  only  when  he  himself  chose.  Sometimes  one 
family  would  go  en  masse  many  miles  to  stay  a  week 
with  friends,  and  when  they  set  out  to  return  their 
hosts  would  journey  with  them  and  in  turn  become 
guests  for  a  week.  The  second  form  of  social  life 
was  called  clubs.  At  all  the  cross-roads  and  court 
houses  there  sprang  up  taverns  or  ordinaries,  and 
in  these  the  men  of  a  neighborhood  would  gather, 
and  over  a  bowl  of  punch  or  a  bottle  of  wine,  the 
expense  of  which  they  "clubbed"  to  share,  would 
spend  their  evenings. 

Into  this  life  Washington  entered  eagerly.  As  a 
mere  lad  his  ledger  records  expenditures  :  "  By  a 
club  in  Arrack  at  Mr.  Gordon's  2/6 ;"  "  Club  of  a 
bottle  of  Rhenish  at  Mitchells  1/3  ;"  "To  part  of  the 
club  at  Port  Royal  i/ ;"  "To  Cash  in  part  for  a  Bowl 
of  fruit  punch  1/7^."  So,  too,  he  was  a  visitor  at 
this  time  at  some  of  the  great  Virginian  houses,  as 
elsewhere  noted.  When  he  came  into  possession  of 
Mount  Vernon  he  offered  the  same  unstinted  wel- 

164 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

come  that  he  had  met  with,  and  even  as  a  bachelor 
he  writes  of  his  "  having  much  company,"  and  again 
of  being  occupied  with  "  a  good  deal  of  Company." 
In  two  months  of  1 768  Washington  had  company  to 
dinner,  or  to  spend  the  night,  on  twenty-nine  days, 
and  dined  or  visited  away  from  home  on  seven  ;  and 
this  is  typical. 

Whenever,  too,  trips  were  made  to  Williamsburg, 
Annapolis,  Philadelphia,  or  elsewhere,  it  was  a  rare 
occurrence  when  the  various  stages  of  the  journey 
were  not  spent  with  friends,  and  in  those  cities  he 
was  dined  and  wined  to  a  surfeit 

During  the  Revolution  all  of  Washington's  aides 
and  his  secretary  lived  with  him  at  head-quarters,  and 
constituted  what  he  always  called  "  my  family."  In 
addition,  many  others  sat  down  at  table, — those  who 
came  on  business  from  a  distance,  as  well  as  bidden 
guests, — which  frequently  included  ladies  from  the 
neighborhood,  who  must  have  been  belles  among  the 
sixteen  to  twenty  men  who  customarily  sat  down  to 
dinner.  "  If  .  .  .  convenient  and  agreeable  to  you 
to  take  pot  luck  with  me  today,"  the  General  wrote 
John  Adams  in  1776,  "I  shall  be  glad  of  your  com 
pany."  Pot  luck  it  was  for  commander-in-chief  and 
staff!  Mention  has  been  made  of  how  sometimes 
Washington  slept  on  the  ground,  and  even  when 
under  cover  there  was  not  occasionally  much  more 
comfort.  Pickering  relates  that  one  night  was  passed 
in  "  Headquarters  at  Galloway's,  an  old  log  house. 
The  General  lodged  in  a  bed,  and  his  family  on  the 
floor  about  him.  We  had  plenty  of  sepawn  and 
milk,  and  all  were  contented." 

155 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Oftentimes  there  were  difficulties  in  the  hospitality. 
"I  have  been  at  my  prest  quarters  since  the  istday 
of  Deer./'  Washington  complained  to  the  commis 
sary-general,  "  and  have  not  a  Kitchen  to  cook  a 
Dinner  in,  altho'  the  Logs  have  been  put  together 
some  considerable  time  by  my  own  Guard.  Nor  is 
there  a  place  at  this  moment  in  which  a  servant  can 
lodge,  with  the  smallest  degree  of  comfort  Eighteen 
belonging  to  my  family,  and  all  Mrs.  Ford's,  are 
crowded  together  in  her  Kitchen,  and  scarce  one  of 
them  able  to  speak  for  the  cold  they  have  caught." 
Pickering,  in  telling  how  he  tried  to  secure  lodgings 
away  from  head-quarters,  gave  for  his  reasons  that 
"  they  are  exceedingly  pinched  for  room.  .  .  .  Had 
I  conceived  how  much  satisfaction,  quiet  and  even 
leisure,  I  should  have  enjoyed  at  separate  quarters,  I 
would  have  taken  them  six  months  ago.  For  at 
head-quarters  there  is  a  continual  throng,  and  my 
room,  in  particular,  (when  I  was  happy  enough  to 
get  one,)  was  always  crowded  by  all  that  came  to 
headquarters  on  business,  because  there  was  no  other 
for  them,  we  having,  for  the  most  part,  been  in  such 
small  houses." 

There  were  other  difficulties.  "  I  cannot  get  as 
much  cloth,"  the  general  wrote,  "  as  will  make  cloaths 
for  my  servants,  notwithstanding  one  of  them  that 
attends  my  person  and  table  is  indecently  and  most 
shamefully  naked."  One  of  his  aides  said  to  a  cor 
respondent,  jocularly,  "  I  take  your  Caution  to  me 
in  Regard  to  my  Health  very  kindly,  but  I  assure 
you,  you  need  be  under  no  Apprehension  of  my 

losing  it  on  the  Score  of  Excess  of  living,  that  Vice 

1 66 


SOCIAL   LIFE 

is  banished  from  this  Army  and  the  General's  Family 
in  particular.  We  never  sup,  but  go  to  bed  and  are 
early  up."  "Only  conceive,"  Washington  complained 
to  Congress,  "  the  mortification  they  (even  the  general 
officers)  must  suffer,  when  they  cannot  invite  a  French 
officer,  a  visiting  friend,  or  a  travelling  acquaintance, 
to  a  better  repast,  than  stinking  whiskey  (and  not 
always  that)  and  a  bit  of  Beef  without  vegetables." 

At  times,  too,  it  was  necessary  to  be  an  exemplar. 
" Our  truly  republican  general,"  said  Laurens,  "has 
declared  to  his  officers  that  he  will  set  the  example 
of  passing  the  winter  in  a  hut  himself,"  and  John 
Adams,  in  a  time  of  famine,  declared  that  "  General 
Washington  sets  a  fine  example.  He  has  banished 
wine  from  his  table,  and  entertains  his  friends  with 
rum  and  water." 

Whenever  it  was  possible,  however,  there  was 
company  at  head- quarters.  "Since  the  General  left 
German  town  in  the  middle  of  September  last,"  the 
General  Orders  once  read,  "  he  has  been  without  his 
baggage,  and  on  that  account  is  unable  to  receive 
company  in  the  manner  he  could  wish.  He  never 
theless  desires  the  Generals,  Field  Officers  and  Bri 
gades  Major  of  the  day,  to  dine  with  him  in  future, 
at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon."  Again  the  same 
vehicle  informed  the  army  that  "  the  hurry  of  busi 
ness  often  preventing  particular  invitations  being  given 
to  officers  to  dine  with  the  General ;  He  presents 
his  compliments  to  the  Brigadiers  and  Field  Officers 
of  the  day,  and  requests  while  the  Camp  continues 
settled  in  the  City,  they  will  favor  him  with  their  com 
pany  to  dinner,  without  further  or  special  invitation." 

167 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Mrs.  Drinker,  who  went  with  a  committee  of  women 
to  camp  at  Valley  Forge,  has  left  a  brief  description 
of  head-quarters  hospitality :  "  Dinner  was  served, 
to  which  he  invited  us.  There  were  15  Officers,  be 
sides  ye  Gl.  and  his  wife,  Gen.  Greene,  and  Gen. 
Lee.  We  had  an  elegant  dinner,  which  was  soon 
over,  when  we  went  out  with  ye  Genls  wife,  up  to 
her  Chamber — and  saw  no  more  of  him."  Claude 
Blanchard,  too,  describes  a  dinner,  at  which  "  there 
was  twenty-five  covers  used  by  some  officers  of  the 
army  and  a  lady  to  whom  the  house  belonged  in 
which  the  general  lodged.  We  dined  under  the 
tent.  I  was  placed  along  side  of  the  general.  One 
of  his  aides-de-camp  did  the  honors.  The  table  was 
served  in  the  American  style  and  pretty  abundantly  ; 
vegetables,  roast  beef,  lamb,  chickens,  salad  dressed 
with  nothing  but  vinegar,  green  peas,  puddings,  and 
some  pie,  a  kind  of  tart,  greatly  in  use  in  England 
and  among  the  Americans,  all  this  being  put  upon 
the  table  at  the  same  time.  They  gave  us  on  the 
same  plate  beef,  green  peas,  lamb,  &c." 

Nor  was  the  menage  of  the  General  unequal  to 
unexpected  calls.  Chastellux  tells  of  his  first  arrival 
in  camp  and  introduction  to  Washington  :  "  He  con 
ducted  me  to  his  house,  where  I  found  the  company 
still  at  table,  although  the  dinner  had  been  long  over. 
He  presented  me  to  the  Generals  Knox,  Waine, 
Howe,  &c.  and  to  his  family,  then  composed  of 
Colonels  Hamilton  and  Tilgman,  his  Secretaries  and 
his  Aides  de  Camp,  and  of  Major  Gibbs,  commander 
of  his  guards ;  for  in  England  and  America,  the 
Aides  de  Camp,  Adjutants  and  other  officers  attached 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

to  the  General,  form  what  is  called  his  family.  A 
fresh  dinner  was  prepared  for  me  and  mine  ;  and  the 
present  was  prolonged  to  keep  me  company."  "At 
nine,"  he  elsewhere  writes,  "supper  was  served,  and 
when  the  hour  of  bed-time  came,  I  found  that  the 
chamber,  to  which  the  General  conducted  me  was 
the  very  parlour  I  speak  of,  wherein  he  had  made 
them  place  a  camp-bed."  Of  his  hospitality  Wash 
ington  himself  wrote, — 

«•  I  have  asked  Mrs.  Cochran  &  Mrs.  Livingston  to  dine  with  me 
to-morrow ;  but  am  I  not  in  honor  bound  to  apprize  them  of  their 
fate  ?  As  I  hate  deception,  even  where  the  imagination  only  is  con 
cerned  ;  I  will.  It  is  needless  to  premise,  that  my  table  is  large 
enough  to  hold  the  ladies.  Of  this  they  had  ocular  proof  yesterday. 
To  say  how  it  is  usually  covered,  is  rather  more  essential ;  and  this 
shall  be  the  purport  of  my  Letter. 

"  Since  our  arrival  at  this  happy  spot,  we  have  had  a  ham,  (some 
times  a  shoulder)  of  Bacon,  to  grace  the  head  of  the  Table ;  a 
piece  of  roast  Beef  adorns  the  foot ;  a  dish  of  beans,  or  greens,  (al 
most  imperceptible,)  decorates  the  center.  When  the  cook  has  a 
mind  to  cut  a  figure,  (which,  I  presume  will  be  the  case  tomorrow) 
we  have  two  Beef-steak  pyes,  or  dishes  of  crabs,  in  addition,  one  on 
each  side  of  the  center  dish,  dividing  the  space  &  reducing  the  dis 
tance  between  dish  &  dish  to  about  6  feet,  which  without  them  would 
be  near  12  feet  apart.  Of  late  he  has  had  the  surprising  sagacity  to 
discover,  that  apples  will  make  pyes ;  and  its  a  question,  if,  in  the 
violence  of  his  efforts,  we  do  not  get  one  of  apples,  instead  of  having 
both  of  Beef-steaks.  If  the  ladies  can  put  up  with  such  entertain 
ment,  and  will  submit  to  partake  of  it  in  plates,  once  Tin  but  now 
Iron — (not  become  so  by  the  labor  of  scouring),  I  shall  be  happy  to 
see  them." 

Dinners  were  not  the  only  form  of  entertaining. 
In  Cambridge,  when  Mrs.  Washington  and  Mrs. 
Jack  Custis  were  at  head-quarters,  a  reception  was 
held  on  the  anniversary  of  Washington's  marriage, 
and  at  other  times  when  there  was  anything  to  cele 
.169 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

brate, — the  capitulation  of  Burgoyne,  the  alliance 
with  France,  the  birth  of  a  dauphin,  etc., — parades, 
balls,  receptions,  "  feux-de-joie,"  or  cold  collations 
were  given.  Perhaps  the  most  ambitious  attempt 
was  a  dinner  given  on  September  21,  1782,  in  a 
large  tent,  to  which  ninety  sat  down,  while  a  "  band 
of  American  music"  added  to  the  "gaiety  of  the 
company." 

Whenever  occasion  called  the  General  to  attend 
on  Congress  there  was  much  junketing.  "  My  time," 
he  wrote,  "  during  my  winter's  residence  in  Philadel 
phia,  was  unusually  (for  me)  divided  between  parties 
of  pleasure  and  parties  of  business."  When  Reed 
pressed  him  to  pass  the  period  of  winter  quarters  in 
visiting  him  in  Philadelphia,  he  replied,  "were  I  to 
give  in  to  private  conveniency  and  amusement,  I 
should  not  be  able  to  resist  the  invitation  of  my 
friends  to  make  Philadelphia,  instead  of  a  squeezed 
up  room  or  two,  my  quarters  for  the  winter." 

While  President,  a  more  elaborate  hospitality  was 
maintained.  Both  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia 
the  best  houses  procurable  were  rented  as  the  Presi 
dential  home, — for  Washington  "wholly  declined 
living  in  any  public  building," — and  a  steward  and 
fourteen  lower  servants  attended  to  all  details,  though 
a  watchful  supervision  was  kept  by  the  President 
over  them,  and  in  the  midst  of  his  public  duties  he 
found  time  to  keep  a  minute  account  of  the  daily 
use  of  all  supplies,  with  their  cost  His  payments 
to  his  stewards  for  mere  servants'  wages  and  food 
(exclusive  of  wine)  were  over  six  hundred  dollars  a 
month,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  Washing- 

170 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

ton,  who  had  no  expense  paid  by  the  public,  more 
than  spent  his  salary  during  his  term  of  office. 

It  was  the  President's  custom  to  give  a  public  din 
ner  once  a  week  "  to  as  many  as  my  table  will  hold," 
and  there  was  also  a  bi-weekly  levee,  to  which  any  one 
might  come,  as  well  as  evening  receptions  by  Mrs. 
Washington,  which  were  more  distinctly  social  and 
far  more  exclusive.  Ashbel  Green  states  that  "  Wash 
ington's  dining  parties  were  entertained  in  a  very 
handsome  style.  His  weekly  dining  day  for  company 
was  Thursday,  and  his  dining  hour  was  always  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  His  rule  was  to  allow  five 
minutes  for  the  variations  of  clocks  and  watches, 
and  then  go  to  the  table,  be  present  or  absent,  who 
ever  might.  He  kept  his  own  clock  in  the  hall,  just 
within  the  outward  door,  and  always  exactly  regu 
lated.  When  lagging  members  of  Congress  came 
in,  as  they  often  did,  after  the  guests  had  sat  down 
to  dinner,  the  president's  only  apology  was,  '  Gen 
tlemen  (or  sir)  we  are  too  punctual  for  you.  I 
have  a  cook  who  never  asks  whether  the  company 
has  come,  but  whether  the  hour  has  come.'  The 
company  usually  assembled  in  the  drawing-room, 
about  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  before  dinner,  and 
the  president  spoke  to  every  guest  personally  on 
entering  the  room." 

Maclay  attended  several  of  the  dinners,  and  has 
left  descriptions  of  them.  "  Dined  this  day  with 
the  President,"  he  writes.  "  It  was  a  great  dinner — • 
all  in  the  tastes  of  high  life.  I  considered  it  as  a 
part  of  my  duty  as  a  Senator  to  submit  to  it,  and 
am  glad  it  is  over.  The  President  is  a  cold,  formal 

171 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

man  ;  but  I  must  declare  that  he  treated  me  with 
great  attention.  I  was  the  first  person  with  whom 
he  drank  a  glass  of  wine.  I  was  often  spoken  to  by 
him."  Again  he  says, — 

*'  At  dinner,  after  my  second  plate  had  been  taken  away,  the  Presi 
dent  offered  to  help  me  to  part  of  a  dish  which  stood  before  him. 
Was  ever  anything  so  unlucky?  I  had  just  before  declined  being 
helped  to  anything  more,  with  some  expression  that  denoted  my 
having  made  up  my  dinner.  Had,  of  course,  for  the  sake  of  con 
sistency,  to  thank  him  negatively,  but  when  the  dessert  came,  and 
he  was  distributing  a  pudding,  he  gave  me  a  look  of  interrogation, 
and  I  returned  the  thanks  positive.  He  soon  after  asked  me  to 
drink  a  glass  of  wine  with  him."  On  another  occasion  he  "went 
to  the  President's  to  dinner.  .  .  .  The  President  and  Mrs.  Wash 
ington  sat  opposite  each  other  in  the  middle  of  the  table  ;  the  two 
secretaries,  one  at  each  end.  It  was  a  great  dinner,  and  the  best 
of  the  kind  I  ever  was  at.  The  room,  however,  was  disagreeably 
warm.  First  the  soup ;  fish  roasted  and  boiled ;  meats,  sammon, 
fowls,  etc.  .  .  .  The  middle  of  the  table  was  garnished  in  the  usual 
tasty  way,  with  small  images,  flowers,  (artificial),  etc.  The  dessert 
was,  apple  pies,  pudding,  etc.  ;  then  iced  creams,  jellies,  etc.  ;  then 
water-melons,  musk-melons,  apples,  peaches,  nuts.  It  was  the  most 
solemn  dinner  I  ever  was  at.  Not  a  health  drank  ;  scarce  a  word  was 
said  until  the  cloth  was  taken  away.  Then  the  President  filling  a 
glass  of  wine,  with  great  formality  drank  to  the  health  of  every  in 
dividual  by  name  round  the  table.  Everybody  imitated  him,  charged 
glasses,  and  such  a  buzz  of  'health,  sir,'  and  'health,  madam,'  and 
'  thank  you,  sir,'  and  '  thank  you,  madam,'  never  had  I  heard  before. 
.  .  .  The  ladies  sat  a  good  while,  and  the  bottles  passed  about ;  but 
there  was  a  dead  silence  almost.  Mrs.  Washington  at  last  withdrew 
with  the  ladies.  I  expected  the  men  would  now  begin,  but  the  same 
stillness  remained.  The  President  told  of  a  New  England  clergyman 
who  had  lost  a  hat  and  wig  in  passing  a  river  called  the  Brunks.  He 
smiled,  and  everybody  else  laughed.  He  now  and  then  said  a  sentence 
or  two  on  some  common  subject,  and  what  he  said  was  not  amiss.  .  .  . 
The  President  .  .  .  played  with  the  fork,  striking  on  the  edge  of 
the  table  with  it.  We  did  not  sit  long  after  the  ladies  retired.  The 
President  rose,  went  up-stairs  to  drink  coffee ;  the  company  followed. " 

Bradbury  gives  the  menu  of  a  dinner  at  which  he 
172 


S) 


•     r\    • 

2          sk 


s 


. 


"\ 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

was,  where  "  there  was  an  elegant  variety  of  roast 
beef,  veal,  turkey,  ducks,  fowls,  hams,  &c.  ;  pud 
dings,  jellies,  oranges,  apples,  nuts,  almonds,  figs, 
raisins,  and  a  variety  of  wines  and  punch.  We 
took  our  leave  at  six,  more  than  an  hour  after  the 
candles  were  introduced.  No  lady  but  Mrs.  Wash 
ington  dined  with  us.  We  were  waited  on  by  four 
or  five  men  servants  dressed  in  livery."  At  the  last 
official  dinner  the  President  gave,  Bishop  White  was 
present,  and  relates  that  "  to  this  dinner  as  many 
were  invited  as  could  be  accommodated  at  the  Presi 
dent's  table.  .  .  .  Much  hilarity  prevailed  ;  but  on 
the  removal  of  the  cloth  it  was  put  an  end  to  by  the 
President — certainly  without  design.  Having  filled 
his  glass,  he  addressed  the  company,  with  a  smile 
on  his  countenance,  saying  :  *  Ladies  and  gentlemen, 
this  is  the  last  time  I  shall  drink  your  health,  as  a 
public  man.  I  do  it  with  sincerity,  and  wishing  you 
all  possible  happiness.'  There  was  an  end  of  all 
pleasantry." 

A  glance  at  Mrs.  Washington's  receptions  has 
been  given,  but  the  levees  of  the  President  re 
main  to  be  described.  William  Sullivan,  who  at 
tended  many,  wrote, — 

"  At  three  o'clock  or  at  any  time  within  a  quarter  of  an  hour  after 
ward,  the  visitor  was  conducted  to  this  dining  room,  from  which  all 
seats  had  been  removed  for  the  time.  On  entering,  he  saw"  Wash 
ington,  who  "stood  always  in  front  of  the  fire-place,  with  his  face 
towards  the  door  of  entrance.  The  visitor  was  conducted  to  him, 
and  he  required  to  have  the  name  so  distinctly  pronounced  that  he 
could  hear  it  He  had  the  very  uncommon  faculty  of  associating  a 
man's  name,  and  personal  appearance,  so  durably  in  his  memory, 
as  to  be  able  to  call  one  by  name,  who  made  him  a  second  visit. 
He  received  his  visitor  with  a  dignified  bow,  while  his  hands  were 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

so  disposed  of  as  to  indicate,  that  the  salutation  was  not  to  be  ac 
companied  with  shaking  hands.  This  ceremony  never  occurred  in 
these  visits,  even  with  his  most  near  friends,  that  no  distinction  might 
be  made.  As  visitors  came  in,  they  formed  a  circle  round  the  room. 
At  a  quarter  past  three,  the  door  was  closed,  and  the  circle  was 
formed  for  that  day.  He  then  began  on  the  right,  and  spoke  to  each 
visitor,  calling  him  by  name,  and  exchanging  a  few  words  with  him. 
When  he  had  completed  his  circuit,  he  resumed  his  first  position, 
and  the  visitors  approached  him  in  succession,  bowed  and  retired. 
By  four  o'clock  the  ceremony  was  over." 

The  ceremony  of  the  dinners  and  levees  and  the 
liveried  servants  were  favorite  impeachments  of  the 
President  among  the  early  Democrats  before  they 
had  better  material,  and  Washington  was  charged 
with  trying  to  constitute  a  court,  and  with  conduct 
ing  himself  like  a  king.  Even  his  bow  was  a  source 
of  criticism,  and  Washington  wrote  in  no  little  irri 
tation  in  regard  to  this,  "  that  I  have  not  been  able 
to  make  bows  to  the  taste  of  poor  Colonel  Bland, 
(who,  by  the  by,  I  believe,  never  saw  one  of  them), 
is  to  be  regretted,  especially  too,  as  (upon  those 
occasions),  they  were  indiscriminately  bestowed,  and 
the  best  I  was  master  of,  would  it  not  have  been 
better  to  throw  the  veil  of  charity  over  them,  as 
cribing  their  stiffness  to  the  effects  of  age,  or  to  the 
unskillfulness  of  my  teacher,  than  to  pride  and 
dignity  of  office,  which  God  knows  has  no  charms 
for  me  ?  For  I  can  truly  say,  I  had  rather  be  at 
Mount  Vernon  with  a  friend  or  two  about  me,  than 
to  be  attended  at  the  seat  of  government  by  the 
officers  of  state,  and  the  representatives  of  every 
power  in  Europe." 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Washington  hated 
ceremony  as  much  as  the  Democrats,  and  yielded 

J74 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

to  it  only  from  his  sense  of  fitness  and  the  opinions 
of  those  about  him.  Jefferson  and  Madison  both 
relate  how  such  unnecessary  form  was  used  at  the 
first  levee  by  the  master  of  ceremonies  as  to  make 
it  ridiculous,  and  Washington,  appreciating  this,  is 
quoted  as  saying  to  the  amateur  chamberlain,  "  Well, 
you  have  taken  me  in  once,  but,  by  God,  you  shall 
never  take  me  in  a  second  time."  His  secretary, 
in  writing  to  secure  lodgings  in  Philadelphia,  when 
the  President  and  family  were  on  their  way  to  Mount 
Vernon,  said,  "I  must  repeat,  what  I  observed  in  a 
former  letter,  that  as  little  ceremony  &  parade  may 
be  made  as  possible,  for  the  President  wishes  to 
command  his  own  time,  which  these  things  always 
forbid  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  and  they  are  to 
him  fatiguing  and  oftentimes  painful.  He  wishes 
not  to  exclude  himself  from  the  sight  or  conversation 
of  his  fellow  citizens,  but  their  eagerness  to  show 
their  affection  frequently  imposes  a  heavy  tax  on 
him." 

This  was  still  further  shown  in  his  diary  of  his 
tours  through  New  England  and  the  Southern  States. 
Nothing  would  do  but  for  Boston  to  receive  him  with 
troops,  etc.,  and  Washington  noted,  "  finding  this 
ceremony  not  to  be  avoided,  though  I  had  made 
every  effort  to  do  it,  I  named  the  hour."  In  leaving 
Portsmouth  he  went  "quietly,  and  without  any  at 
tendance,  having  earnestly  entreated  that  all  parade 
and  ceremony  might  be  avoided  on  my  return." 
When  travelling  through  North  Carolina,  "a  small 
party  of  horse  under  one  Simpson  met  us  at  Green 
ville,  and  in  spite  of  every  endeavor  which  could 

175 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

comport  with  decent  civility,  to  excuse  myself  from 
it,  they  would  attend  me  to  Newburn." 

During  the  few  years  that  Washington  was  at 
Mount  Vernon  subsequent  to  the  Revolution,  the 
same  unbounded  hospitality  was  dispensed  as  in 
earlier  times,  while  a  far  greater  demand  was  made 
upon  it,  and  one  so  variegated  that  at  times  the  host 
was  not  a  little  embarrassed.  Thus  he  notes  that 
"  a  Gentleman  calling  himself  the  Count  de  Cheiza 
D'Artigan  Officer  of  the  French  Guards  came  here 
to  dinner ;  but  bringing  no  letters  of  introduction, 
nor  any  authentic  testimonials  of  his  being  either ;  I 
was  at  a  loss  how  to  receive  or  treat  him, — he  stayed 
to  dinner  and  the  evening,"  and  the  next  day  departed 
in  Washington's  carriage  to  Alexandria.  "  A  farmer 
came  here  to  see,"  he  says,  "my  drill  plow,  and  staid 
all  night"  In  another  instance  he  records  that  a 
woman  whose  "name  was  unknown  to  me  dined 
here."  Only  once  were  visitors  frowned  on,  and 
this  was  when  a  British  marauding  party  came  to 
Mount  Vernon  during  the  Revolution.  Even  they, 
in  Washington's  absence,  were  entertained  by  his 
overseer,  but  his  master  wrote  him,  on  hearing  of 
this,  "  I  am  little  sorry  of  my  own  [loss]  ;  but  that 
which  gives  me  most  concern  is,  that  you  should  go 
on  board  the  enemy's  vessels  and  furnish  them  with 
refreshments.  It  would  have  been  a  less  painful 
circumstance  to  me  to  have  heard,  that  in  conse 
quence  of  your  non-compliance  with  their  request, 
they  had  burnt  my  House  and  laid  the  plantation  in 
ruins.  You  ought  to  have  considered  yourself  as 
my  representative,  and  should  have  reflected  on  the 

176 


SOCIAL   LIFE 

bad  example  of  communicating  with  the  enemy,  and 
making  a  voluntary  offer  of  refreshments  to  them 
with  a  view  to  prevent  a  conflagration." 

The  hospitality  at  Mount  Vernon  was  perfectly 
simple.  A  traveller  relates  that  he  was  taken  there 
by  a  friend,  and,  as  Washington  was  "viewing  his 
laborers,"  we  "were  desired  to  tarry."  "When  the 
President  returned  he  received  us  very  politely.  Dr. 
Croker  introduced  me  to  him  as  a  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts  who  wished  to  see  the  country  and 
pay  his  respects.  He  thanked  us,  desired  us  to  be 
seated,  and  to  excuse  him  a  few  moments.  .  .  .  The 
President  came  and  desired  us  to  walk  in  to  dinner 
and  directed  us  where  to  sit,  (no  grace  was  said).  .  .  . 
The  dinner  was  very  good,  a  small  roasted  pigg, 
boiled  leg  of  lamb,  roasted  fowles,  beef,  peas,  lettice, 
cucumbers,  artichokes,  etc.,  puddings,  tarts,  etc.,  etc. 
We  were  desired  to  call  for  what  drink  we  chose. 
He  took  a  glass  of  wine  with  Mrs.  Law  first,  which 
example  was  followed  by  Dr.  Croker  and  Mrs.  Wash 
ington,  myself  and  Mrs.  Peters,  Mr.  Fayette  and  the 
young  lady  whose  name  is  Custis.  When  the  cloth 
was  taken  away  the  President  gave  'All  our  Friends.' " 

Another  visitor  tells  that  he  was  received  by 
Washington,  and,  "after  .  .  .  half  an  hour,  the 
General  came  in  again,  with  his  hair  neatly  pow 
dered,  a  clean  shirt  on,  a  new  plain  drab  coat,  white 
waistcoat  and  white  silk  stockings.  At  three,  dinner 
was  on  the  table,  and  we  were  shown  by  the  General 
into  another  room,  where  everything  was  set  off  with 
a  peculiar  taste  and  at  the  same  time  neat  and  plain. 
The  General  sent  the  bottle  about  pretty  freely  after 

12  177 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

dinner,  and  gave  success  to  the  navigation  of  the 
Potomac  for  his  toasts,  which  he  has  very  much  at 
heart.  .  .  .  After  Tea  General  Washington  retired 
to  his  study  and  left  us  with  the  .  .  .  rest  of  the 
Company.  If  he  had  not  been  anxious  to  hear  the 
news  of  Congress  from  Mr.  Lee,  most  probably  he 
would  not  have  returned  to  supper,  but  gone  to  bed 
at  his  usual  hour,  nine  o'clock,  for  he  seldom  makes 
any  ceremony.  We  had  a  very  elegant  supper  about 
that  time.  The  General  with  a  few  glasses  of  cham 
pagne  got  quite  merry,  and  being  with  his  intimate 
friends  laughed  and  talked  a  good  deal.  Before 
strangers  he  is  very  reserved,  and  seldom  says  a 
word.  I  was  fortunate  in  being  in  his  company  with 
his  particular  acquaintances.  .  .  .  At  12  I  had  the 
honor  of  being  lighted  up  to  my  bedroom  by  the 
General  himself." 

This  break  on  the  evening  hours  was  quite  unusual, 
Washington  himself  saying  in  one  place  that  nine 
o'clock  was  his  bedtime,  and  he  wrote  of  his  hours 
after  dinner,  "  the  usual  time  of  setting  at  table,  a 
walk,  and  tea,  brings  me  within  the  dawn  of  candle 
light  ;  previous  to  which,  if  not  prevented  by  com 
pany  I  resolve,  that  as  soon  as  the  glimmering  taper 
supplies  the  place  of  the  great  luminary,  I  will  retire 
to  my  writing  table  and  acknowledge  the  letters  I 
have  received  ;  but  when  the  lights  were  brought,  I 
feel  tired  and  disinclined  to  engage  in  this  work, 
conceiving  that  the  next  night  will  do  as  well.  The 
next  comes,  and  with  it  the  same  causes  for  post 
ponement,  and  effect,  and  so  on." 

The  foregoing  allusion  to  Washington's  conver- 
178 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

sation  is  undoubtedly  just  All  who  met  him  for 
mally  spoke  of  him  as  taciturn,  but  this  was  not  a 
natural  quality.  Jefferson  states  that  "  in  the  circle 
of  his  friends,  where  he  might  be  unreserved  with 
safety,  he  took  a  free  share  in  conversation,"  and 
Madison  told  Sparks  that,  though  "Washington  was 
not  fluent  nor  ready  in  conversation,  and  was  in 
clined  to  be  taciturn  in  general  society,"  yet  "  in 
the  company  of  two  or  three  intimate  friends,  he 
was  talkative,  and  when  a  little  excited  was  some 
times  fluent  and  even  eloquent"  "The  story  so 
often  repeated  of  his  never  laughing,"  Madison  said, 
was  "  wholly  untrue ;  no  man  seemed  more  to  enjoy 
gay  conversation,  though  he  took  little  part  in  it 
himself.  He  was  particularly  pleased  with  the  jokes, 
good  humor,  and  hilarity  of  his  companions." 

Washington  certainly  did  enjoy  a  joke.  Nelly 
Custis  said,  "  I  have  sometimes  made  him  laugh 
most  heartily  from  sympathy  with  my  joyous  and 
extravagant  spirits,"  and  many  other  instances  of 
his  laughing  are  recorded.  He  himself  wrote  in 
1775  concerning  the  running  away  of  some  British 
soldiers,  "  we  laugh  at  his  idea  of  cnasing  the  Royal 
Fusileers  with  the  stores.  Does  he  consider  them  as 
inanimate,  or  as  treasure?"  When  the  British  in 
Boston  sent  out  a  bundle  of  the  king's  speech, 
"  farcical  enough,  we  gave  great  joy  to  them,  (the 
red  coats  I  mean),  without  knowing  or  intending  it ; 
for  on  that  day,  the  day  which  gave  being  to  the 
new  army,  (but  before  the  proclamation  came  to 
hand,)  we  had  hoisted  the  union  flag  in  compliment 
to  the  United  Colonies.  But,  behold,  it  was  received 

179 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

in  Boston  as  a  token  of  the  deep  impression  the 
speech  had  made  upon  us,  and  as  a  signal  of  sub 
mission.*' 

At  times  Washington  would  joke  himself,  though 
it  was  always  somewhat  labored,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  Jack  already  cited.  "Without  a  coinage,"  he 
wrote,  "or  unless  a  stop  can  be  put  to  the  cutting 
and  clipping  of  money,  our  dollars,  pistareens,  &c., 
will  be  converted,  as  Teague  says,  mto  five  quarters." 
When  the  Democrats  were  charging  the  Federalists 
with  having  stolen  from  the  treasury,  he  wrote  to  a 
Cabinet  official,  "  and  pray,  my  good  sir,  what  part 
of  the  $800.000  have  come  to  your  share  ?  As  you 
are  high  in  Office,  I  hope  you  did  not  disgrace  your 
self  in  the  acceptance  of  a  paltry  bribe — a  $100.000 
perhaps."  He  once  even  attempted  a  pun,  by  writ 
ing,  "  our  enterprise  will  be  ruined,  and  we  shall  be 
stopped  at  the  Laurel  Hill  this  winter ;  but  not  to 
gather  laurels,  (except  of  the  kind  that  covers  the 
mountains)." 

Probably  the  neatest  turn  was  his  course  on  one 
occasion  with  General  Tryon,  who  sent  him  some 
British  proclamations  with  the  request,  "that  through 
your  means,  the  officers  and  men  under  your  com 
mand  may  be  acquainted  with  their  contents." 
Washington  promptly  replied  that  he  had  given  them 
"  free  currency  among  the  officers  and  men  under 
my  command,"  and  enclosed  to  Tryon  a  lot  of  the 
counter-proclamation,  asking  him  to  "be  instrumental 
in  communicating  its  contents,  so  far  as  it  may  be  in 
your  power,  to  the  persons  who  are  the  objects  of  its 
operation.  The  benevolent  purpose  it  is  intended  to 

180 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

answer  will  I  persuade  myself,  sufficiently  recommend 
it  to  your  candor." 

To  a  poetess  who  had  sent  him  some  laudatory 
verses  about  himself  he  expressed  his  thanks,  and 
added,  "  Fiction  is  to  be  sure  the  very  life  and  Soul 
of  Poetry — all  Poets  and  Poetesses  have  been  in 
dulged  in  the  free  and  indisputable  use  of  it,  time 
out  of  mind.  And  to  oblige  you  to  make  such  an 
excellent  Poem  on  such  a  subject  without  any  ma 
terials  but  those  of  simple  reality,  would  be  as  cruel 
as  the  Edict  of  Pharoah  which  compelled  the  chil 
dren  of  Israel  to  manufacture  Bricks  without  the 
necessary  Ingredients." 

Twice  he  joked  about  his  own  death.  "As  I  have 
heard,"  he  said  after  Braddock's  defeat,  "since  my 
arrival  at  this  place,  a  circumstancial  account  of  my 
death  and  dying  speech,  I  take  this  early  opportunity 
of  contradicting  the  first,  and  of  assuring  you,  that  I 
have  not  as  yet  composed  the  latter."  Many  years 
later,  in  draughting  a  letter  for  his  wife,  he  wrote, — 

"  I  am  now  by  desire  of  the  General  to  add  a  few  words  on  his 
behalf;  which  he  desires  may  be  expressed  in  the  terms  following, 
that  is  to  say, — that  despairing  of  hearing  what  may  be  said  of  him, 
if  he  should  really  go  off  in  an  apoplectic,  or  any  other  fit  (for  he 
thinks  all  fits  that  issue  in  death  are  worse  than  a  love  fit,  a  fit  of 
laughter,  and  many  other  kinds  which  he  could  name) — he  is  glad 
to  hear  beforehand  what  will  be  said  of  him  on  that  occasion  ;  con 
ceiving  that  nothing  extra  will  happen  between  this  and  then  to  make 
a  change  in  his  character  for  better,  or  for  worse.  And  besides,  as 
he  has  entered  into  an  engagement  .  .  .  not  to  quit  this  world  be 
fore  the  year  1800,  it  may  be  relied  upon  that  no  breach  of  contract 
shall  be  laid  to  him  on  that  account,  unless  dire  necessity  should 
bring  it  about,  maugre  all  his  exertions  to  the  contrary.  In  that 
same,  he  shall  hope  they  would  do  by  him  as  he  would  do  by  them — 
excuse  it.  At  present  there  seems  to  be  no  danger  of  his  thus  giving 

III 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

them  the  slip,  as  neither  his  health  nor  spirits,  were  ever  in  greater 
flow,  notwithstanding,  he  adds,  he  is  descending,  and  has  almost 
reached  the  bottom  of  the  hill ;  or  in  other  words,  the  shades  be 
low.  For  your  particular  good  wishes  on  this  occasion  he  charges 
me  to  say  that  he  feels  highly  obliged,  and  that  he  reciprocates  them 
with  great  cordiality. ' ' 

Other  social  qualities  of  the  man  cannot  be  passed 
over.  A  marked  trait  was  his  extreme  fondness  of 
afternoon  tea.  "  Dined  at  Mr.  Langdon's,  and  drank 
Tea  there,  with  a  large  circle  of  Ladies;"  "in  the 
afternoon  drank  Tea  .  .  .  with  about  20  ladies,  who 
had  been  assembled  for  the  occasion ;"  "  exercised 
between  5  &  7  o'clock  in  the  morning  &  drank 
Tea  with  Mrs.  Clinton  (the  Governor's  Lady)  in  the 
afternoon  ;"  "  Drank  tea  at  the  Chief  Justice's  of 
the  U.  States  ;"  "  Dined  with  the  Citizens  in  public  ; 
and  in  the  afternoon,  was  introduced  to  upwards 
of  50  ladies  who  had  assembled  (at  a  Tea  party)  on 
the  occasion  ;"  "Dined  and  drank  tea  at  Mr.  Bing- 
ham's  in  great  splendor."  Such  are  the  entries 
in  his  diary  whenever  the  "  kettle-a-boiling-be"  was 
within  reach.  Pickering's  journal  shows  that  tea 
was  served  regularly  at  head-quarters,  and  at  Mount 
Vernon  it  was  drunk  in  summer  on  the  veranda. 
In  writing  to  Knox  of  his  visit  to  Boston,  Wash 
ington  mentioned  his  recollection  of  the  chats  over 
tea-drinking,  and  of  how  "social  and  gay"  they 
were. 

A  fondness  for  picnics  was  another  social  liking. 
"Rid  with  Fanny  Bassett,  Mr.  Taylor  and  Mr. 
Shaw  to  meet  a  Party  from  Alexandria  at  Johnsons 
Spring  .  .  .  where  we  dined  on  a  cold  dinner 
brought  from  Town  by  water  and  spent  the  After- 

182 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

noon  agreeably — Returning  home  by  Sun  down  or 
a  little  after  it,"  is  noted  in  his  diary  on  one  occa 
sion,  and  on  another  he  wrote,  "  Having  formed  a 
Party,  consisting  of  the  Vice-President,  his  lady, 
Son  &  Miss  Smith  ;  the  Secretaries  of  State,  Treasury 
&  War,  and  the  ladies  of  the  two  latter ;  with  all 
the  Gentlemen  of  my  family,  Mrs.  Lear  &  the  two 
Children,  we  visited  the  old  position  of  Fort  Wash 
ington  and  afterwards  dined  on  a  dinner  provided 
by  Mr.  Mariner."  Launchings,  barbecues,  clam 
bakes,  and  turtle  dinners  were  other  forms  of  social 
dissipations. 

A  distinct  weakness  was  dancing.  When  on  the 
frontier  he  sighed,  "  the  hours  at  present  are  mel 
ancholy  dull.  Neither  the  rugged  toils  of  war,  nor 
the  gentler  conflict  of  A[ssembly]  B[alls,]  is  in  my 
choice."  His  diary  shows  him  at  balls  and  "  Routs" 
frequently ;  when  he  was  President  he  was  a  con 
stant  attendant  at  the  regular  "  Dancing  Assemblies" 
in  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  and  when  at  Mount 
Vernon  he  frequently  went  ten  miles  to  Alexandria 
to  attend  dances.  Of  one  of  these  Alexandria  balls 
he  has  left  an  amusing  description:  ''Went  to  a 
ball  at  Alexandria,  where  Musick  and  dancing  was 
the  chief  Entertainment,  however  in  a  convenient 
room  detached  for  the  purpose  abounded  great 
plenty  of  bread  and  butter,  some  biscuits,  with  tea 
and  coffee,  which  the  drinkers  of  could  not  dis 
tinguish  from  hot  water  sweet' ned — Be  it  remem 
bered  that  pocket  handkerchiefs  servd  the  purposes 
of  Table  cloths  &  Napkins  and  that  no  apologies 
were  made  for  either.  I  shall  therefore  distinguish 

'83 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

this  ball  by  the  stile  and  title  of  the  Bread  &  Butter 
Ball." 

During  the  Revolution,  too,  he  killed  many  a 
weary  hour  of  winter  quarters  by  dancing.  When 
the  camp  spent  a  day  rejoicing  over  the  French  alli 
ance,  "the  celebration,"  according  toThacher,  "was 
concluded  by  a  splendid  ball  opened  by  his  Excel 
lency  General  Washington,  having  for  his  partner 
the  lady  of  General  Knox."  Greene  describes  how 
"  we  had  a  little  dance  at  my  quarters  a  few  even 
ings  past.  His  Excellency  and  Mrs.  Greene  danced 
upwards  of  three  hours  without  once  sitting  down." 
Knox,  too,  tells  of  "  a  most  genteel  entertainment 
given  by  self  and  officers"  at  which  Washington 
danced.  "  Everybody  allows  it  to  be  the  first  of 
the  kind  ever  exhibited  in  this  State  at  least.  We 
had  above  seventy  ladies,  all  of  the  first  ton  in  the 
State,  and  between  three  and  four  hundred  gentle 
men.  We  danced  all  night — an  elegant  room,  the 
illuminating,  fireworks,  &c.,  were  more  than  pretty." 
And  at  Newport,  when  Rochambeau  gave  a  ball,  by 
request  it  was  opened  by  Washington.  The  dance 
selected  by  his  partner  was  "A  Successful  Cam 
paign,"  then  in  high  favor,  and  the  French  officers 
took  the  instruments  from  the  musicians  and  played 
while  he  danced  the  first  figure. 

While  in  winter  quarters  he  subscribed  four  hun 
dred  dollars  (paper  money,  equal  to  eleven  dol 
lars  in  gold)  to  get  up  a  series  of  balls,  of  which 
Greene  wrote,  "We  have  opened  an  assembly  in 
Camp.  From  this  apparent  ease,  I  suppose  it  is 
thought  we  must  be  in  happy  circumstances.  I 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

wish  it  was  so,  but,  alas,  it  is  not  Our  provisions 
are  in  a  manner,  gone.  We  have  not  a  ton  of  hay 
at  command,  nor  magazine  to  draw  from.  Money 
is  extremely  scarce  and  worth  little  when  we  get  it. 
We  have  been  so  poor  in  camp  for  a  fortnight,  that 
we  could  not  forward  the  public  dispatches,  for  want 
of  cash  to  support  the  expresses."  At  the  farewell 
ball  given  at  Annapolis,  when  the  commander-in- 
chief  resigned  his  command,  Tilton  relates  that  "  the 
General  danced  in  every  set,  that  all  the  ladies  might 
have  the  pleasure  of  dancing  with  him  ;  or  as  it  has 
since  been  handsomely  expressed,  '  get  a  touch  of 
him.'"  He  still  danced  in  1796,  when  sixty-four 
years  of  age,  but  when  invited  to  the  Alexandria 
Assembly  in  1799,  he  wrote  to  the  managers, 
"  Mrs.  Washington  and  myself  have  been  honored 
with  your  polite  invitation  to  the  assemblies  of 
Alexandria  this  winter,  and  thank  you  for  this  mark 
of  your  attention.  But,  alas  !  our  dancing  days  are 
no  more.  We  wish,  however  all  those  who  have  a 
relish  for  so  agreeable  and  innocent  an  amusement 
all  the  pleasure  the  season  will  afford  them  ;  and  I 
am,  gentlemen, 

"  Your  most  obedient  and  obliged   humble  ser 
vant, 

"GEO.  WASHINGTON." 


VIII 

TASTES    AND    AMUSEMENTS 

A  MARKED  trait  of  Washington's  character  was  his 
particularity  about  his  clothes ;  there  can  be  little 
question  that  he  was  early  in  life  a  good  deal  of 
a  dandy,  and  that  this  liking  for  fine  feathers  never 
quite  left  him.  When  he  was  about  sixteen  years 
old  he  wrote  in  his  journal,  "  Memorandum  to  have 
my  Coat  made  by  the  following  Directions  to  be 
made  a  Frock  with  a  Lapel  Breast  the  Lapel  to 
Contain  on  each  side  six  Button  Holes  and  to  be 
about  5  or  6  Inches  wide  all  the  way  equal  and  to 
turn  as  the  Breast  on  the  Coat  does  to  have  it  made 
very  long  Waisted  and  in  Length  to  come  down  to 
or  below  the  bent  of  the  knee  the  Waist  from  the 
armpit  to  the  Fold  to  be  exactly  as  long  or  Longer 
than  from  thence  to  the  Bottom  not  to  have  more 
than  one  fold  in  the  Skirt  and  the  top  to  be  made 
just  to  turn  in  and  three  Button  Holes  the  Lapel  at 
the  top  to  turn  as  the  Cape  of  the  Coat  and  Bottom 
to  Come  Parallel  with  the  Button  Holes  the  Last 
Button  hole  in  the  Breast  to  be  right  opposite  to  the 
Button  on  the  Hip." 

In  1/54  he  bought  "a  Superfine  blue  broad  cloth 
Coat,  with  Silver  Trimmings,"  "a  fine  Scarlet  Waist 
coat  full  Lac'd,"  and  a  quantity  of  "silver  lace  for  a 
Hatt,"  and  from  another  source  it  is  learned  that  at 

186 


TASTES   AND  AMUSEMENTS 

this  time  he  was  the  possessor  of  ruffled  shirts.  A 
little  later  he  ordered  from  London  "As  much  of  the 
best  superfine  blue  Cotton  Velvet  as  will  make  a 
Coat,  Waistcoat  and  Breeches  for  a  Tall  Man,  with  a 
fine  silk  button  to  suit  it,  and  all  other  necessary 
trimmings  and  linings,  together  with  garters  for  the 
Breeches,"  and  other  orders  at  different  times  were 
for  "6  prs.  of  the  Very  neatest  shoes,"  "A  riding 
waistcoat  of  superfine  scarlet  cloth  and  gold  Lace," 
"  2  prs.  of  fashionable  mix'd  or  marble  Color' d  Silk 
Hose,"  "  I  piece  of  finest  and  fashionable  Stock 
Tape,"  "  I  Suit  of  the  finest  Cloth  &  fashionable 
colour,"  "a  New  Market  Great  Coat  with  a  loose 
hood  to  it,  made  of  Bleu  Drab  or  broad  cloth,  with 
straps  before  according  to  the  present  taste,"  "3 
gold  and  scarlet  sword-knots,  3  silver  and  blue  do,  I 
fashionable  gold-laced  hat." 

As  these  orders  indicated,  the  young  fellow  strove 
to  be  in  the  fashion.  In  1755  he  wrote  his  brother, 
"  as  wearing  boots  is  quite  the  mode,  and  mine  are 
in  a  declining  state,  I  must  beg  the  favor  of  you  to 
procure  me  a  pair  that  is  good  and  neat."  "What 
ever  goods  you  may  send  me,"  he  wrote  his  London 
agent,  "let  them  be  fashionable,  neat  and  good  of 
their  several  kinds."  It  was  a  great  trial  to  him  that 
his  clothes  did  not  fit  him.  "  I  should  have  enclosed 
you  my  measure,"  he  wrote  to  London,  "  but  in  a 
general  way  they  are  so  badly  taken  here,  that  I  am 
convinced  that  it  would  be  of  very  little  service." 
"I  have  hitherto  had  my  clothes  made  by  one 
Charles  Lawrence  in  Old  Fish  Street,"  he  wrote  his 
English  factor.  "  But  whether  it  be  the  fault  of  the 

187 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

tailor,  or  the  measure  sent,  I  can't  say,  but,  certain 
it  is,  my  clothes  have  never  fitted  me  well." 

It  must  not  be  inferred,  however,  that  Washington 
carried  his  dandyism  to  weakness.  When  fine 
clothes  were  not  in  place,  they  were  promptly  dis 
carded.  In  his  trip  to  the  Ohio  in  1753  he  states 
that  "  I  put  myself  in  an  Indian  walking  Dress," 
and  "  tied  myself  up  in  a  Match  Coat," — that  is,  an 
Indian  blanket.  In  the  campaign  of  1758  he  wrote 
to  his  superior  officer  "  that  were  I  left  to  pursue 
my  own  Inclinations,  I  would  not  only  order  the 
Men  to  adopt  the  Indian  dress,  but  cause  the  Officers 
to  do  it  also,  and  be  at  the  first  to  set  the  example 
myself.  Nothing  but  the  uncertainty  of  its  taking 
with  the  General  causes  me  to  hesitate  a  moment  at 
leaving  my  Regimentals  at  this  place,  and  proceed 
ing  as  light  as  any  Indian  in  the  Woods.  'T  is  an 
unbecoming  dress,  I  confess,  for  an  officer ;  but 
convenience,  rather  than  shew,  I  think  should  be 
consulted."  And  this  was  such  good  sense  that  the 
general  gave  him  leave,  and  it  was  done. 

With  increase  of  years  his  taste  in  clothes  became 
softened  and  more  sober.  "  On  the  other  side  is  an 
invoice  of  clothes  which  I  beg  the  favor  of  you  to 
purchase  for  me,"  he  wrote  to  London.  "As  they 
are  designed  for  wearing  apparel  for  myself,  I  have 
committed  the  choice  of  them  to  your  fancy,  having 
the  best  opinion  of  your  taste.  I  want  neither  lace 
nor  embroidery.  Plain  clothes,  with  a  gold  or  silver 
button  (if  worn  in  genteel  dress)  are  all  I  desire." 
"Do  not  conceive,"  he  told  his  nephew  in  1783, 
"  that  fine  clothes  make  fine  men  more  than  fine 


TASTES   AND  AMUSEMENTS 

feathers  make  fine  Birds.  A  plain  genteel  dress  is 
more  admired,  and  obtains  more  credit  than  lace 
and  embroidery,  in  the  Eyes  of  the  judicious  and 
sensible."  And  in  connection  with  the  provisional 
army  he  decided  that  "  on  reconsidering  the  uniform 
of  the  Commander  in  Chief,  it  has  become  a  matter 
of  doubt  with  me,  (although,  as  it  respects  myself 
personally,  I  was  against  all  embroidery,)  whether 
embroidery  on  the  Cape,  Cuffs,  and  Pockets  of  the 
Coat,  and  none  on  the  buff  waistcoat  would  not  have 
a  disjointed  and  awkward  appearance."  Probably 
nowhere  did  he  show  his  good  taste  more  than  in 
his  treatment  of  the  idea  of  putting  him  in  classic 
garments  when  his  bust  was  made  by  Houdon. 

"  In  answer  to  your  obliging  inquiries  respecting  the  dress,  atti 
tude,  &c.,"  he  wrote,  "which  I  would  wish  to  have  given  to  the 
statue  in  question,  I  have  only  to  observe,  that,  not  having  sufficient 
knowledge  in  the  art  of  sculpture  to  oppose  my  judgment  to  the  taste 
of  connoisseurs,  I  do  not  desire  to  dictate  in  the  matter.  On  the 
contrary  I  shall  be  perfectly  satisfied  with  whatever  may  be  judged 
decent  and  proper.  I  should  even  scarcely  have  ventured  to  suggest, 
that  perhaps  a  servile  adherence  to  the  garb  of  antiquity  might  not 
be  altogether  so  expedient,  as  some  little  deviation  in  favor  of  the 
modern  costume." 

Washington,  as  noted,  bought  his  clothes  in 
England ;  but  it  was  from  necessity  more  than 
choice.  "  If  there  be  any  homespun  Cloths  in 
Philadelphia  which  are  tolerably  fine,  that  you  can 
come  reasonably  at,"  he  said  to  his  Philadelphia 
agent  in  1784,  "I  would  be  obliged  to  you  to  send 
me  patterns  of  some  of  the  best  kinds — I  should 
prefer  that  which  is  mixed  in  the  grain,  because  it 
will  not  so  readily  discover  its  quality  as  a  plain 

189 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

cloth."  Before  he  was  inaugurated  he  wrote 
"  General  Knox  this  day  to  procure  me  homespun 
broadcloth  of  the  Hartford  fabric,  to  make  a  suit  of 
clothes  for  myself,"  adding,  "  I  hope  it  will  not  be  a 
great  while  before  it  will  be  unfashionable  for  a 
gentleman  to  appear  in  any  other  dress.  Indeed, 
we  have  already  been  too  long  subject  to  British 
prejudices."  At  another  time  he  noted  in  his  diary 
with  evident  pride,  "  on  this  occasion  I  was  dressed 
in  a  suit  made  at  the  Woolen  Manufactory  at  Hart 
ford,  as  the  buttons  also  were."  But  then,  as  now, 
the  foreign  clothes  were  so  much  finer  that  his  taste 
overcame  his  patriotism,  and  his  secretary  wrote  that 
"the  President  is  desireous  of  getting  as  much 
superfine  blk  broad  Cloth  as  will  make  him  a  suit  of 
Clothes,  and  desires  me  to  request  that  you  would 
send  him  that  quantity  .  .  .  The  best  superfine 
French  or  Dutch  black — exceedingly  fine — of  a  soft, 
silky  texture — not  glossy  like  the  Engh  cloths." 

A  caller  during  the  Presidency  spoke  of  him  as 
dressed  in  purple  satin,  and  at  his  levees  he  is  de 
scribed  by  Sullivan  as  "  clad  in  black  velvet ;  his 
hair  in  full  dress,  powdered  and  gathered  behind  in 
a  large  silk  bag ;  yellow  gloves  on  his  hands  ;  hold 
ing  a  cocked  hat  with  a  cockade  in  it,  and  the  edges 
adorned  with  a  black  feather  about  an  inch  deep. 
He  wore  knee  and  shoe  buckles  ;  and  a  long  sword, 
with  a  finely  wrought  and  polished  steel  hilt,  which 
appeared  at  the  left  hip  ;  the  coat  worn  over  the 
sword,  so  that  the  hilt,  and  the  part  below  the  coat 
behind,  were  in  view.  The  scabbard  was  white 
polished  leather." 

190 


TASTES  AND   AMUSEMENTS 

About  his  person  Washington  was  as  neat  as  he 
desired  his  clothes  to  be.  At  seventeen  when  sur 
veying  he  records  that  he  was 

' '  Lighted  into  a  Room  &  I  not  being  so  good  a  Woodsman  as  ye 
rest  of  my  Company  striped  myself  very  orderly  &  went  in  to  ye  Bed 
as  they  called  it  when  to  my  Surprize  I  found  it  to  be  nothing  but  a 
Little  Straw — Matted  together  without  Sheets  or  any  thing  else  but 
only  one  thread  Bear  blanket  with  double  its  Weight  of  Vermin  such 
as  Lice,  Fleas  &c.  I  was  glad  to  get  up  (as  soon  as  ye  Light  was  car 
ried  from  us)  I  put  on  my  Cloths  &  Lay  as  my  Companions.  Had 
we  not  have  been  very  tired  I  am  sure  we  should  not  have  slep'd 
much  that  night.  I  made  a  Promise  not  to  Sleep  so  from  that  time 
forward  chusing  rather  to  sleep  in  ye  open  Air  before  a  fire  as  will 
appear  hereafter."  The  next  day  he  notes  that  the  party  "  Travell'd 
up  to  Frederick  Town  where  our  Baggage  came  to  us  we  cleaned 
ourselves  (to  get  Rid  of  ye  Game  we  had  catched  y.  Night  before)" 
and  slept  in  "  a  good  Feather  Bed  with  clean  Sheets  which  was  a 
very  agreeable  regale." 

Wherever  he  happened  to  be,  the  laundress  was 
in  constant  demand.  His  bill  from  the  washer- 
lady  for  the  week  succeeding  his  inauguration  as 
President,  and  before  his  domestic  menage  was 
in  running  order,  was  for  "6  Ruffled  shirts,  2 
plain  shirts,  8  stocks,  3  pair  Silk  Hose,  2  White 
hand.  2  Silk  Handks.  I  pr.  Flanl.  Drawers,  I  Hair 
nett" 

The  barber,  too,  was  a  constant  need,  and  Wash 
ington's  ledger  shows  constant  expenditures  for  per 
fumed  hair-powder  and  pomatum,  and  also  for 
powder  bags  and  puffs.  Apparently  the  services  of 
this  individual  were  only  for  the  arranging  of  his  hair, 
for  he  seems  never  to  have  shaved  Washington,  that 
being  done  either  by  himself  or  by  his  valet.  Of 
this  latter  individual  Washington  said  (when  the 

191 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

injury  to  William  Lee  unfitted  him  for  the  service), 
"  I  do  not  as  yet  know  whether  I  shall  get  a  substi 
tute  for  William  :  nothing  short  of  excellent  qualities 
and  a  man  of  good  appearance,  would  induce  me  to 
do  it — and  under  my  present  view  of  the  matter, 
too,  who  would  employ  himself  otherwise  than  Wil 
liam  did — that  is  as  a  butler  as  well  as  a  valette,  for 
my  wants  of  the  latter  are  so  trifling  that  any  man 
(as  William  was)  would  soon  be  ruined  by  idleness, 
who  had  only  them  to  attend  to." 

In  food  Washington  took  what  came  with  philos 
ophy.  "  If  you  meet  with  collegiate  fare,  it  will  be 
unmanly  to  complain,"  he  told  his  grandson,  though 
he  once  complained  in  camp  that  "  we  are  debarred 
from  the  pleasure  of  good  living ;  which,  Sir,  (I  dare 
say  with  me  you  will  concur,)  to  one  who  has  always 
been  used  to  it,  must  go  somewhat  hard  to  be  con 
fined  to  a  little  salt  provision  and  water."  Usually, 
however,  poor  fare  was  taken  as  a  matter  of  course. 
"  When  we  came  to  Supper,"  he  said  in  his  journal 
of  1748,  "there  was  neither  a  Cloth  upon  ye  Table 
nor  a  Knife  to  eat  with  but  as  good  luck  would  have 
it  we  had  Knives  of  our  own,"  and  again  he  wrote, 
"we  pull'd  out  our  Knapsack  in  order  to  Recruit 
ourselves  every  one  was  his  own  Cook  our  Spits  was 
Forked  Sticks  our  Plates  was  a  Large  Chip  as  for 
Dishes  we  had  none."  Nor  was  he  squeamish  about 
what  he  ate.  In  the  voyage  to  Barbadoes  he  sev 
eral  times  ate  dolphin  ;  he  notes  that  the  bread  was 
almost  "eaten  up  by  Weavel  &  Maggots,"  and  be 
came  quite  enthusiastic  over  some  "very  fine  Bris 
tol  tripe"  and  "a  fine  Irish  Ling  &  Potatoes."  But 

192 


TASTES   AND   AMUSEMENTS 

all  this  may  have  been  due  to  the  proverbial  sea 
appetite. 

Samuel  Stearns  states  that  Washington  "  break 
fasts  about  seven  o'clock  on  three  small  Indian  hoe- 
cakes,  and  as  many  dishes  of  tea,"  and  Custis  re 
lates  that  "  Indian  cakes,  honey,  and  tea  formed  this 
temperate  repast."  These  two  writers  tell  us  that 
at  dinner  "  he  ate  heartily,  but  was  not  particular  in 
his  diet,  with  the  exception  of  fish,  of  which  he  was 
excessively  fond.  He  partook  sparingly  of  dessert, 
drank  a  home-made  beverage,  and  from  four  to  five 
glasses  of  Madeira  wine"  (Custis),  and  that  "he 
dines,  commonly  on  a  single  dish,  and  drinks  from 
half  a  pint  to  a  pint  of  Madeira  wine.  This,  with 
one  small  glass  of  punch,  a  draught  of  beer,  and 
two  dishes  of  tea  (which  he  takes  half  an  hour  be 
fore  sun-setting)  constitutes  his  whole  sustenance  till 
the  next  day."  (Stearns.)  Ashbel  Green  relates  that 
at  the  state  banquets  during  the  Presidency  Wash 
ington  "generally  dined  on  one  single  dish,  and 
that  of  a  very  simple  kind.  If  offered  something 
either  in  the  first  or  second  course  which  was  very 
rich,  his  usual  reply  was — 'That  is  too  good  for 
me.' "  It  is  worth  noting  that  he  religiously  ob 
served  the  fasts  proclaimed  in  1/74  and  1777,  going 
without  food  the  entire  day. 

A  special  liking  is  mentioned  above.  In  1782 
Richard  Varick  wrote  to  a  friend,  "  General  Wash 
ington  dines  with  me  tomorrow ;  he  is  exceedingly 
fond  of  salt  fish ;  I  have  some  coming  up,  &  tho'  it 
will  be  here  in  a  few  days,  it  will  not  be  here  in  time 
— If  you  could  conveniently  lend  me  as  much  fish 
13  '93 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

as  would  serve  a  pretty  large  company  tomorrow  (at 
least  for  one  Dish),  it  will  oblige  me,  and  shall  in  a 
very  few  days  be  returned  in  as  good  Dun  Fish  as 
ever  you  see.  Excuse  this  freedom,  and  it  will  add 
to  the  favor.  Could  you  not  prevail  upon  somebody 
to  catch  some  Trout  for  me  early  tomorrow  morn 
ing?"  When  procurable,  salt  codfish  was  Wash 
ington's  regular  Sunday  dinner. 

A  second  liking  was  honey.  His  ledger  several 
times  mentions  purchases  of  this,  and  in  1789  his 
sister  wrote  him,  "  when  I  last  had  the  Pleasure  of 
seeing  you  I  observ'd  your  fondness  for  Honey ;  I 
have  got  a  large  Pot  of  very  fine  in  the  comb,  which 
I  shall  send  by  the  first  opportunity."  Among  his 
purchases  "sugar  candy"  is  several  times  mentioned, 
but  this  may  have  been  for  children,  and  not  for 
himself.  He  was  a  frequent  buyer  of  fruit  of  all 
kinds  and  of  melons. 

He  was  very  fond  of  nuts,  buying  hazelnuts  and 
shellbarks  by  the  barrel,  and  he  wrote  his  overseer 
in  1792  to  "tell  house  Frank  I  expect  he  will  lay 
up  a  more  plenteous  store  of  the  black  common 
walnuts  than  he  usually  does."  The  Prince  de 
Broglie  states  that  "  at  dessert  he  eats  an  enormous 
quantity  of  nuts,  and  when  the  conversation  is  enter 
taining  he  keeps  eating  through  a  couple  of  hours, 
from  time  to  time  giving  sundry  healths,  according 
to  the  English  and  American  custom.  It  is  what 
they  call  *  toasting.'  " 

Washington  was  from  boyhood  passionately  fond 
of  horsemanship,  and  when  but  seventeen  owned  a 
horse.  Humphreys  states  that  "all  those  who  have 

194 


TASTES   AND   AMUSEMENTS 

seen  General  Washington  on  horseback,  at  the  head 
of  his  army,  will  doubtless  bear  testimony  with  the 
author  that  they  never  saw  a  more  graceful  or  digni 
fied  person,"  and  Jefferson  said  of  him  that  he  was 
"  the  best  horseman  of  his  age,  and  the  most  graceful 
figure  that  could  be  seen  on  horseback."  His  diary 
shows  that  he  rode  on  various  occasions  as  much  as 
sixty  miles  in  a  day,  and  Lawrence  reports  that  he 
"  usually  rode  from  Rockingham  to  Princeton,  which 
is  five  miles,  in  forty  minutes."  John  Hunter,  in  a 
visit  to  Mount  Vernon  in  1785,  writes  that  he  went 

"to  see  his  famous  race-horse  Magnolia — a  most  beautiful  creature. 
A  whole  length  of  his  was  taken  a  while  ago,  (mounted  on  Magnolia) 
by  a  famous  man  from  Europe  on  copper.  ...  I  afterwards  went  to 
his  stables,  where  among  an  amazing  number  of  horses,  I  saw  old 
Nelson,  now  22  years  of  age,  that  carried  the  General  almost  always 
during  the  war ;  Blueskin,  another  fine  old  horse  next  to  him,  now 
and  then  had  that  honor.  Shaw  also  shewed  me  his  old  servant, 
that  was  reported  to  have  been  taken,  with  a  number  of  the  Gen 
eral's  papers  about  him.  They  have  heard  the  roaring  of  many  a 
cannon  in  their  time.  Blueskin  was  not  the  favorite,  on  account  of 
his  not  standing  fire  so  well  as  venerable  old  Nelson." 

Chastellux  relates,  "  he  was  so  attentive  as  to  give 
me  the  horse  he  rode,  the  day  of  my  arrival,  which 
I  had  greatly  commended — I  found  him  as  good 
as  he  is  handsome  ;  but  above  all,  perfectly  well 
broke,  and  well  trained,  having  a  good  mouth,  easy 
in  hand  and  stopping  short  in  a  gallop  without  bear 
ing  the  bit — I  mention  these  minute  particulars, 
because  it  is  the  general  himself  who  breaks  all  his 
own  horses ;  and  he  is  a  very  excellent  and  bold 
horseman,  leaping  the  highest  fences,  and  going  ex 
tremely  quick,  without  standing  upon  his  stirrups, 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

bearing   on    the   bridle,    or   letting    his   horse   run 
wild." 

As  a  matter  of  course  this  liking  for  horses  made 
Washington  fond  of  racing,  and  he  not  only  sub 
scribed  liberally  to  most  of  the  racing  purses,  but 
ran  horses  at  them,  attending  in  person,  and  betting 
moderately  on  the  results.  So,  too,  he  was  fond  of 
riding  to  the  hounds,  and  when  at  Mount  Vernon  it 
was  a  favorite  pastime.  From  his  diary  excerpts  of 
runs  are, — 

"  Went  a  Fox  hunting  with  the  Gentlemen  who  came  here  y ester, 
day.  .  .  .  after  a  very  early  breakfast — found  a  Fox  just  back  of 
Muddy  hole  Plantation  and  after  a  Chase  of  an  hour  and  a  quarter 
with  my  Dogs,  &  eight  couple  of  Doctor  Smiths  (brought  by  Mr. 
Phil  Alexander)  we  put  him  into  a  hollow  tree,  in  which  we  fastened 
him,  and  in  the  Pincushion  put  up  another  Fox  which,  in  an  hour  & 
13  Minutes  was  killed — We  then  after  allowing  the  Fox  in  the  hole 
half  an  hour  put  the  Dogs  upon  his  trail  &  in  half  a  Mile  he  took  to 
another  hollow  tree  and  was  again  put  out  of  it  but  he  did  not  go  600 
yards  before  he  had  recourse  to  the  same  shift — finding  therefore  that 
he  was  a  conquered  Fox  we  took  the  Dogs  off,  and  came  home  to 
Dinner." 

"  After  an  early  breakfast  [my  nephew]  George  Washington,  Mr. 
Shaw  and  Myself  went  into  the  Woods  back  of  Muddy  hole  Planta 
tion  a  hunting  and  were  joined  by  Mr.  Lund  Washington  and  Mr. 
William  Peake.  About  half  after  ten  Oclock  (being  first  plagued 
with  the  Dogs  running  Hogs)  we  found  a  fox  near  Colo  Masons 
Plantation  on  little  Hunting  Creek  (West  fork)  having  followed  on 
his  Drag  more  than  half  a  Mile  ;  and  run  him  with  Eight  Dogs  (the 
other  4  getting,  as  was  supposed  after  a  Second  Fox)  close  and  well 
for  an  hour.  When  the  Dogs  came  to  a  fault  and  to  cold  Hunting 
until  20  minutes  after  when  being  joined  by  the  missing  Dogs  they 
put  him  up  afresh  and  in  about  50  Minutes  killed  up  in  an  open  field 
of  Colo  Mason's  every  Rider  &  every  Dog  being  present  at  the 
Death." 

During  the  Revolution,  when  opportunity  offered, 
he  rode  to  the  hounds,  for  Hiltzheimer  wrote  in 

196 


TASTES  AND  AMUSEMENTS 

1781,  "My  son  Robert  [having]  been  on  a  Hunt  at 
Frankfort  says  that  His  Excel'y  Gen.  Washington 
was  there." 

This  liking  made  dogs  an  interest  to  him,  and  he 
took  much  pains  to  improve  the  breed  of  his  hounds. 
On  one  occasion  he  "  anointed  all  my  Hounds  (as 
well  old  Dogs  as  Puppies)  which  have  the  mange, 
with  Hogs  Lard  &  Brimstone."  Mopsey,  Pilot,  Tartar, 
Jupiter,  Trueman,  Tipler,  Truelove,  Juno,  Dutchess, 
Ragman,  Countess,  Lady,  Searcher,  Rover,  Sweet- 
lips,  Vulcan,  Singer,  Music,  Tryal,  and  Forrester  are 
some  of  the  names  he  gave  them.  In  1794,  in  the 
fall  of  his  horse,  as  already  mentioned,  he  wrenched 
his  back,  and  in  consequence,  when  he  returned  to 
Mount  Vernon,  this  pastime  was  never  resumed,  and 
his  pack  was  given  up. 

Kindred  to  this  taste  for  riding  to  the  hounds  was 
one  for  gunning.  A  few  entries  in  his  diary  tell  the 
nature  of  his  sport.  "Went  a  ducking  between 
breakfast  and  dinner  and  kill'd  2  Mallards  &  5  bald 
faces."  "  I  went  to  the  Creek  but  not  across  it. 
Kill'd  2  ducks,  viz.  a  sprig  tail  and  a  Teal."  "Rid 
out  with  my  gun  but  kill'd  nothing."  In  1787  a 
man  asked  for  permission  to  shoot  over  Mount  Ver 
non,  and  Washington  refused  it  because 

"my  fixed  determination  is,  that  no  person  whatever  shall  hunt  upon 
my  grounds  or  waters — To  grant  leave  to  one  and  refuse  another 
would  not  only  be  drawing  a  line  of  discrimination  which  would  be 
offensive,  but  would  subject  one  to  great  inconvenience — for  my 
strict  and  positive  orders  to  all  my  people  are  if  they  hear  a  gun  fired 
upon  my  Land  to  go  immediately  in  pursuit  of  it.  ...  Besides,  as  I 
have  not  lost  my  relish  for  this  sport  when  I  find  time  to  indulge 
myself  in  it,  and  Gentlemen  who  come  to  the  House  are  pleased 

197 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

with  it,  it  is  my  wish  not  to  have  game  within  my  jurisdiction  dis. 
turbed." 

Fishing  was  another  pastime.  He  "went  a 
dragging  for  Sturgeon"  frequently,  and  sometimes 
"  catch' d  one"  and  sometimes  "catch'd  none." 
While  in  Philadelphia  in  1787  he  went  up  to  the 
old  camp  at  Valley  Forge  and  spent  a  day  fishing, 
and  in  1789  at  Portsmouth,  "having  lines,  we  pro 
ceeded  to  the  Fishing  Banks  a  little  without  the 
Harbour  and  fished  for  Cod ;  but  it  not  being  a 
proper  time  of  tide,  we  only  caught  two."  After  his 
serious  sickness  in  1790  a  newspaper  reports  that 
"yesterday  afternoon  the  President  of  the  United 
States  returned  from  Sandy  Hook  and  the  fishing 
banks,  where  he  had  been  for  the  benefit  of  the  sea 
air,  and  to  amuse  himself  in  the  delightful  recreation 
of  fishing.  We  are  told  he  has  had  excellent  sport, 
having  himself  caught  a  great  number  of  sea-bass 
and  black  fish — the  weather  proved  remarkably  fine, 
which,  together  with  the  salubrity  of  the  air  and 
wholesome  exercise,  rendered  this  little  voyage  ex 
tremely  agreeable,  and  cannot  fail,  we  hope,  of 
being  serviceable  to  a  speedy  and  complete  restora 
tion  of  his  health." 

Washington  was  fond  of  cards,  and  in  bad  weather 
even  records  "  at  home  all  day,  over  cards."  How 
much  time  must  have  been  spent  in  this  way  is 
shown  by  the  innumerable  purchases  of  "  I  dozen 
packs  playing  cards"  noted  in  his  ledger.  In  1748, 
when  he  was  sixteen  years  old,  he  won  two  shillings 
and  threepence  from  his  sister-in-law  at  whist  and 
five  shillings  at  "  Loo"  (or,  as  he  sometimes  spells  it, 

198 


TASTES  AND   AMUSEMENTS 

"Lue")  from  his  brother,  and  he  seems  always  to 
have  played  for  small  stakes,  which  sometimes 
mounted  into  fairly  sizable  sums.  The  largest  gain 
found  is  three  pounds,  and  the  largest  loss  nine 
pounds  fourteen  shillings  and  ninepence.  He  seems 
to  have  lost  oftener  than  he  won. 

Billiards  was  a  rival -of  cards,  and  a  game  of 
which  he  seems  to  have  been  fond.  In  his  seven 
teenth  year  he  won  one  shilling  and  threepence  by 
the  cue,  and  from  that  time  won  and  lost  more  or 
less  money  in  this  way.  Here,  too,  he  seems  to  have 
been  out  of  pocket,  though  not  for  so  much  money, 
his  largest  winning  noted  being  only  seven  shillings 
and  sixpence,  and  his  largest  loss  being  one  pound 
and  ten  shillings. 

In  1751,  at  Barbadoes,  Washington  "was  treated 
with  a  play  ticket  to  see  the  Tragedy  of  George 
Barnwell  acted  :  the  character  of  Barnwell  and 
several  others  was  said  to  be  well  perform' d  there 
was  Musick  a  Dapted  and  regularly  conducted." 
This  presumptively  was  the  lad's  first  visit  to  the 
playhouse,  but  from  that  time  it  was  one  of  his 
favorite  amusements.  At  first  his  ledger  shows  ex 
penditures  of  "Cash  at  the  Play  House  1/3,"  which 
proves  that  his  purse  would  bear  the  cost  of  only  the 
cheapest  seats ;  but  later  he  became  more  extrava 
gant  in  this  respect,  and  during  the  Presidency  he 
used  the  drama  for  entertaining,  his  ledger  giving 
many  items  of  tickets  bought  A  type  entry  in 
Washington's  diary  is,  "Went  to  the  play  in  the 
evening — sent  tickets  to  the  following  ladies  and 
gentlemen  and  invited  them  to  seats  in  my  box,  viz  : 

199 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

— Mrs.  Adams  (lady  of  the  Vice-President,)  General 
Schuyler  and  lady,  Mr.  King  and  lady,  Majr.  Butler 
and  lady,  Colo  Hamilton  and  lady,  Mrs.  Green — all 
of  whom  accepted  and  came  except  Mrs.  Butler, 
who  was  indisposed." 

Maclay  describes  the  first  of  these  theatre  parties 
as  follows  :  "  I  received  a  ticket  from  the  President 
of  the  United  States  to  use  his  box  this  evening  at 
the  theatre,  being  the  first  of  his  appearances  at  the 
playhouse  since  his  entering  on  his  office.  Went. 
The  President,  Governor  of  the  State,  foreign  Minis 
ters,  Senators  from  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut, 
Pennsylvania,  M.  [aryland]  and  South  Carolina ;  and 
some  ladies  in  the  same  box.  I  am  old,  and  notices 
or  attentions  are  lost  on  me.  I  could  have  wished 
some  of  my  dear  children  in  my  place  ;  they  are 
young  and  would  have  enjoyed  it.  Long  might  they 
live  to  boast  of  having  been  seated  in  the  same  box 
with  the  first  Character  in  the  world.  The  play  was 
the  'School  for  Scandal/  I  never  liked  it ;  indeed, 
I  think  it  an  indecent  representation  before  ladies 
of  character  and  virtue.  Farce,  the  'Old  Soldier.1 
The  house  greatly  crowded,  and  I  thought  the 
players  acted  well ;  but  I  wish  we  had  seen  the 
Conscious  Lovers,  or  some  one  that  inculcated  more 
prudential  manners." 

Of  the  play,  or  rather  interlude,  of  the  "Old 
Soldier"  its  author,  Dunlap,  gives  an  amusing  story. 
It  turned  on  the  home-coming  of  an  old  soldier, 
and,  like  the  topical  song  of  to-day,  touched  on  local 
affairs  • 


200 


TASTES   AND  AMUSEMENTS 

"When  Wignell,  as  Darby,  recounts  what  had  befallen  him  in 
America,  in  New  York,  at  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
and  the  inauguration  of  the  president,  the  interest  expressed  by  the 
audience  in  the  looks  and  the  changes  of  countenance  of  this  great 
man  [Washington]  became  intense.  He  smiled  at  these  lines, 
alluding  to  the  change  in  the  government — 

There  too  I  saw  some  mighty  pretty  shows ; 
A  revolution,  without  blood  or  blows, 
For,  as  I  understood,  the  cunning  elves, 
The  people  all  revolted  from  themselves. 

But  at  the  lines— 

A  man  who  fought  to  free  the  land  from  wo, 
Like  me,  had  left  his  farm,  a-soldiering  to  go  : 
But  having  gain'd  his  point,  he  had  like  me, 
Return'd  his  own  potato  ground  to  see. 
But  there  he  could  not  rest.     With  one  accord 
He's  called  to  be  a  kind  of— not  a  lord— 
I  don't  know  what,  he's  not  a  great  man,  sure, 
For  poor  men  love  him  just  as  he  were  poor. 
They  love  him  like  a  father  or  a  brother, 

DERMOT. 
As  we  poor  Irishmen  love  one  another. 

The  president  looked  serious  ;  and  when  Kathleen  asked, 
How  looked  he,  Darby  ?     Was  he  short  or  tall  ? 

his  countenance  showed  embarrassment,  from  the  expectation  or 
one  of  those  eulogiums  which  he  had  been  obliged  to  hear  on  many 
public  occasions,  and  which  must  doubtless  have  been  a  severe  trial 
to  his  feelings  :  but  Darby's  answer  that  he  had  not  seen  /tint,  because 
he  had  mistaken  a  man  '  all  lace  and  glitter,  botherum  and  shine, ' 
for  him,  until  all  the  show  had  passed,  relieved  the  hero  from  appre 
hension  of  further  personality,  and  he  indulged  in  that  which  was 
with  him  extremely  rare,  a  hearty  laugh. ' ' 

Washington  did  not  even  despise  amateur  per 
formances.  As  already  mentioned,  he  expressed  a 
wish  to  take  part  in  "Cato"  himself  in  1758,  and 
a  year  before  he  had  subscribed  to  the  regimental 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

"players  at  Fort  Cumberland."  His  diary  shows 
that  in  1768  the  couple  at  Mount  Vernon  "  &  ye  two 
children  were  up  to  Alexandria  to  see  the  Inconstant 
or  the  way  to  win  him  acted,"  which  was  probably 
an  amateur  performance.  Furthermore,  Duer  tells 
us  that  "  I  was  not  only  frequently  admitted  to  the 
presence  of  this  most  august  of  men,  in  propria  per 
sona,  but  once  had  the  honor  of  appearing  before 
him  as  one  of  the  dramatis  personce  in  the  tragedy 
of  Julius  Caesar,  enacted  by  a  young  'American 
Company,'  (the  theatrical  corps  then  performing  in 
New  York  being  called  the  '  Old  American  Com 
pany')  in  the  garret  of  the  Presidential  mansion, 
wherein  before  the  magnates  of  the  land  and  the 
elite  of  the  city,  I  performed  the  part  of  Brutus 
to  the  Cassius  of  my  old  school-fellow,  Washington 
Custis." 

The  theatre  was  by  no  means  the  only  show  that 
appealed  to  Washington.  He  went  to  the  circus 
when  opportunity  offered,  gave  nine  shillings  to  a 
"man  who  brought  an  elk  as  a  show,"  three  shillings 
and  ninepence  "  to  hear  the  Armonica,"  two  dollars 
for  tickets  "  to  see  the  automatum,"  treated  the 
"  Ladies  to  ye  Microcosm"  and  paid  to  see  wax 
works,  puppet  shows,  a  dancing  bear,  and  a  lioness 
and  tiger.  Nor  did  he  avoid  a  favorite  Virginia 
pastime,  but  attended  cockfights  when  able.  His 
frequent  going  to  concerts  has  been  already  men 
tioned. 

Washington  seems  to  have  been  little  of  a  reader 
except  of  books  on  agriculture,  which  he  bought, 
read,  and  even  made  careful  abstracts  of  many,  and 

202 


TASTES  AND   AMUSEMENTS 

on  this  subject  alone  did  he  ever  seem  to  write  from 
pleasure.  As  a  lad,  he  notes  in  his  journal  that  he 
is  reading  The  Spectator  and  a  history  of  England, 
but  after  those  two  brief  entries  there  is  no  further 
mention  of  books  or  reading  in  his  daily  memo 
randum  of  "where  and  how  my  time  is  spent"  In 
his  ledger,  too,  almost  the  least  common  expendi 
ture  entered  is  one  for  books.  Nor  do  his  London 
invoices,  so  far  as  extant,  order  any  books  but  those 
which  treated  of  farming  and  horses.  In  the  settle 
ment  of  the  Custis  estate,  "  I  had  no  particular 
reason  for  keeping  and  handing  down  to  his  son,  the 
books  of  the  late  Colo  Custis  saving  that  I  thought 
it  would  be  taking  the  advantage  of  a  low  appraise 
ment,  to  make  them  my  own  property  at  it,  and  that 
to  sell  them  was  not  an  object." 

With  the  broadening  that  resulted  from  the  com 
mand  of  the  army  more  attention  was  paid  to  books, 
and  immediately  upon  the  close  of  the  Revolution 
Washington  ordered  the  following  works  :  "  Life  of 
Charles  the  Twelfth,"  "Life  of  Louis  the  Fifteenth," 
"  Life  and  Reign  of  Peter  the  Great,"  Robertson's 
"  History  of  America,"  Voltaire's  "  Letters,"  Vertot's 
"Revolution  of  Rome"  and  "Revolution  of  Portugal," 
"Life  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,"  Sully's  "Memoirs," 
Goldsmith's  "  Natural  History,"  "  Campaigns  of 
Marshal  Turenne,"  Chambaud's  "  French  and  Eng 
lish  Dictionary,"  Locke  "on  the  Human  Under 
standing,"  and  Robertson's  "  Charles  the  Fifth." 
From  this  time  on  he  was  a  fairly  constant  book- 
buyer,  and  subscribed  as  a  "  patron"  to  a  good  many 
forthcoming  works,  while  many  were  sent  him  as 

203 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

gifts.  On  politics  he  seems  to  have  now  read  with 
interest;  yet  in  1797,  after  his  retirement  from  the 
Presidency,  in  writing  of  the  manner  in  which  he 
spent  his  hours,  he  said,  "  it  may  strike  you  that  in 
this  detail  no  mention  is  made  of  any  portion  of  time 
allotted  to  reading.  The  remark  would  be  just,  for  I 
have  not  looked  into  a  book  since  I  came  home,  nor 
shall  I  be  able  to  do  it  until  I  have  discharged  my 
workmen  ;  probably  not  before  the  nights  grow  long 
when  possibly  I  may  be  looking  into  Doomsday 
book."  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  through  all  his 
life  Washington  gave  to  reading  only  the  time  he 
could  not  use  on  more  practical  affairs. 

His  library  was  a  curious  medley  of  books,  if 
those  on  military  science  and  agriculture  are  omitted. 
There  is  a  fair  amount  of  the  standard  history  of 
the  day,  a  little  theology,  so  ill  assorted  as  to  sug 
gest  gifts  rather  than  purchases,  a  miscellany  of  con 
temporary  politics,  and  a  very  little  belles-lettres.  In 
political  science  the  only  works  in  the  slightest  de 
gree  noticeable  are  Smith's  "Wealth  of  Nations," 
"The  Federalist,"  and  Rousseau's  "Social  Compact," 
and,  as  the  latter  was  in  French,  it  could  not  have 
been  read.  In  lighter  literature  Homer,  Shakespeare, 
and  Burns,  Lord  Chesterfield,  Swift,  Smollett,  Field 
ing,  and  Sterne,  and  "Don  Quixote,"  are  the  only 
ones  deserving  notice.  It  is  worthy  of  mention  that 
Washington's  favorite  quotation  was  Addison's  "  'Tis 
not  in  mortals  to  command  success,"  but  he  also 
utilized  with  considerable  aptitude  quotations  from 
Shakespeare  and  Sterne.  There  were  half  a  dozen 
of  the  ephemeral  novels  of  the  day,  but  these  were 

204 


WASHINGTON'S  BOOK-PLATE 


TASTES  AND  AMUSEMENTS 

probably  Mrs.  Washington's,  as  her  name  is  written 
in  one,  and  her  husband's  in  none.  Writing  to  his 
grandson,  Washington  warned  him  that  "light  read 
ing  (by  this,  I  mean  books  of  little  importance)  may 
amuse  for  the  moment,  but  leaves  nothing  solid 
behind." 

One  element  of  Washington's  reading  which  can 
not  be  passed  over  without  notice  is  that  of  news 
papers.  In  his  early  life  he  presumably  read  the 
only  local  paper  of  the  time  (the  Virginia  Gazette), 
for  when  an  anonymous  writer,  "  Centinel,"  in  1756, 
charged  that  Washington's  regiment  was  given  over 
to  drunkenness  and  other  misbehavior,  he  drew  up 
a  reply,  which  he  sent  with  ten  shillings  to  the  news 
paper,  but  the  printer  apparently  declined  to  print 
it,  for  it  never  appeared. 

After  the  Revolution  he  complained  to  his  Phila 
delphia  agent,  "  I  have  such  a  number  of  Gazettes, 
crowded  upon  me  (many  without  orders)  that  they 
are  not  only  expensive,  but  really  useless  ;  as  my 
other  avocations  will  not  afford  me  time  to  read 
them  oftentimes,  and  when  I  do  attempt  it,  find 
them  more  troublesome,  than  profitable ;  I  have 
therefore  to  beg,  if  you  Should  get  Money  into  your 
hands  on  Acct  of  the  Inclosed  Certificate,  that  you 
would  be  so  good  as  to  pay  what  I  am  owing  to 
Messrs  Dunlap  &  Claypoole,  Mr.  Oswald  &  Mr. 
Humphrey's.  If  they  consider  me  however  as  en 
gaged  for  the  year,  I  am  Content  to  let  the  matter 
run  on  to  the  Expiration  of  it"  During  the  Presi 
dency  he  subscribed  to  the  Gazette  of  the  United 
States,  Brown's  Gazette,  Dunlap's  American  Adver- 

205 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

tiser,  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  Bache's  Aurora,  and 
the  New  York  Magazine,  Carey's  Museum,  and  the 
Universal  Asylum,  though  at  this  time  he  "  lamented 
that  the  editors  of  the  different  gazettes  in  the 
Union  do  not  more  generally  and  more  correctly 
(instead  of  stuffing  their  papers  with  scurrility  and 
nonsensical  declamation,  which  few  would  read  if 
they  were  apprised  of  the  contents,)  publish  the 
debates  in  Congress  on  all  great  national  ques 
tions." 

Presently,  for  personal  and  party  reasons,  certain 
of  the  papers  began  to  attack  him,  and  Jefferson 
wrote  to  Madison  that  the  President  was  "  extremely 
affected  by  the  attacks  made  and  kept  up  on  him 
in  the  public  papers.  I  think  he  feels  these  things 
more  than  any  person  I  ever  met  with."  Later  the 
Secretary  of  State  noted  that  at  an  interview  Wash 
ington  "  adverted  to  a  piece  in  Freneau's  paper  of 
yesterday,  he  said  that  he  despised  all  their  attacks 
on  him  personally,  but  that  there  never  had  been  an 
act  of  government  .  .  .  that  paper  had  not  abused 
...  He  was  evidently  sore  and  warm."  At  a 
cabinet  meeting,  too,  according  to  the  same  writer, 
"the  Presidt  was  much  inflamed,  got  into  one  of 
those  passions  when  he  cannot  command  himself, 
ran  on  much  on  the  personal  abuse  which  had  been 
bestowed  on  him,  defied  any  man  on  earth  to  pro 
duce  a  single  act  of  his  since  he  had  been  in  the 
govmt  which  was  not  done  on  the  purest  motives, 
that  he  had  never  repented  but  once  the  having 
slipped  the  moment  of  resigning  his  office,  &  that 
was  every  moment  since,  that  by  god  he  had  rather 

206 


TASTES  AND   AMUSEMENTS 

be  in  his  grave  than  in  his  present  situation.  That 
he  had  rather  be  on  his  farm  than  to  be  made  em 
peror  of  the  world  and  yet  that  they  were  charging 
him  with  wanting  to  be  a  king.  That  that  rascal 
Freneau  sent  him  3  of  his  papers  every  day,  as  if 
he  thought  he  would  become  the  distributor  of  his 
papers,  that  he  could  see  in  this  nothing  but  an 
impudent  design  to  insult  him.  He  ended  in  this 
high  tone.  There  was  a  pause." 

To  correspondents,  too,  Washington  showed  how 
keenly  he  felt  the  attacks  upon  him,  writing  that 
"  the  publications  in  Freneau's  and  Bache's  papers 
are  outrages  on  common  decency ;  and  they  pro 
gress  in  that  style  in  proportion  as  their  pieces  are 
treated  with  contempt,  and  are  passed  by  in  silence, 
by  those  at  whom  they  are  aimed,"  and  asked  "in 
what  will  this  abuse  terminate?  The  result,  as  it 
respects  myself,  I  care  not ;  for  I  have  consolation 
within,  that  no  earthly  efforts  can  deprive  me  of, 
and  that  is,  that  neither  ambitious  nor  interested 
motives  have  influenced  my  conduct  The  arrows 
of  malevolence,  therefore  however  barbed  and  well 
pointed,  never  can  reach  the  most  vulnerable  part 
of  me  ;  though,  whilst  I  am  up  as  a  mark,  they  will 
be  continually  aimed." 

On  another  occasion  he  said,  "  I  am  beginning  to 
receive,  what  I  had  made  my  mind  up  for  on  this 
occasion,  the  abuse  of  Mr.  Bache,  and  his  corre 
spondents."  He  wrote  a  friend,  "if  you  read  the 
Aurora  of  this  city,  or  those  gazettes,  which  are 
under  the  same  influence,  you  cannot  but  have  per 
ceived  with  what  malignant  industry  and  persevering 

207 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

falsehoods  I  am  assailed,  in  order  to  weaken  if  not 
destroy  the  confidence  of  the  public." 

When  he  retired  from  office  he  apparently  cut  off 
his  subscriptions  to  papers,  for  a  few  months  later  he 
inquired,  ''what  is  the  character  of  Porcupine's  Ga 
zette  ?  I  had  thought  when  I  left  Philadelphia,  of 
ordering  it  to  be  sent  to  me  ;  then  again,  I  thought 
it  best  not  to  do  it ;  and  altho'  I  should  like  to  see 
both  his  and  Bache's,  the  latter  may,  under  all  cir 
cumstances,  be  the  best  decision  ;  I  mean  not  sub 
scribing  to  either  of  them."  This  decision  to  have 
no  more  to  do  with  papers  did  not  last,  for  on  the 
night  he  was  seized  with  his  last  illness  Lear  de 
scribes  how  "in  the  evening  the  papers  having 
come  from  the  post  office,  he  sat  in  the  room  with 
Mrs.  Washington  and  myself,  reading  them,  till  about 
nine  o'clock  when  Mrs.  Washington  went  up  into 
Mrs.  Lewis's  room,  who  was  confined,  and  left  the 
General  and  myself  reading  the  papers.  He  was 
very  cheerful ;  and,  when  he  met  with  anything  which 
he  thought  diverting  or  interesting,  he  would  read  it 
aloud  as  well  as  his  hoarseness  would  permit.  He 
desired  me  to  read  to  him  the  debates  of  the  Vir 
ginia  Assembly,  on  the  election  of  a  Senator  and 
Governor ;  which  I  did — and,  on  hearing  Mr.  Madi 
son's  observations  respecting  Mr.  Monroe,  he  ap 
peared  much  affected,  and  spoke  with  some  degree 
of  asperity  on  the  subject,  which  I  endeavored  to 
moderate,  as  I  always  did  on  such  occasions." 


208 


IX 

FRIENDS 

THE  frequently  repeated  statement  that  Wash 
ington  was  a  man  without  friends  is  not  the  least 
curious  of  the  myths  that  have  obtained  general 
credence.  That  it  should  be  asserted  only  goes  to 
show  how  absolutely  his  private  life  has  been  neg 
lected  in  the  study  of  his  public  career. 

In  his  will  Washington  left  tokens  of  remem 
brance  "to  the  acquaintances  and  friends  of  my 
juvenile  years,  Lawrence  Washington  and  Robert 
Washington  of  Chotanck,"  the  latter  presumably 
the  "dear  Robin"  of  his  earliest  letter,  and  these 
two  very  distant  kinsmen,  whom  he  had  come  to 
know  while  staying  at  Wakefield,  are  the  earliest 
friends  of  whom  any  record  exists.  Contemporary 
with  them  was  a  "  Dear  Richard,"  whose  letters  gave 
Washington  "  unspeakable  pleasure,  as  I  am  con 
vinced  I  am  still  in  the  memory  of  so  worthy  a 
friend, — a  friendship  I  shall  ever  be  proud  of  in 
creasing." 

Next  in  time  came  his  intimacy  with  the  Fair 
faxes  and  Carlyles,  which  began  with  Washington's 
visits  to  his  brother  Lawrence  at  Mount  Vernon. 
About  four  miles  from  that  place,  at  Belvoir,  lived 
the  Fairfaxes ;  and  their  kinspeople,  the  Carlyles, 
lived  at  Alexandria.  Lawrence  Washington  had 
14  209 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

married  Ann  Fairfax,  and  through  his  influence  his 
brother  George  was  taken  into  the  employment  of 
Lord  Fairfax,  half  as  clerk  and  half  as  surveyor  of 
his  great  tract  of  land,  "the  northern  neck,"  which 
he  had  obtained  by  marriage  with  a  daughter  of 
Lord  Culpeper,  who  in  turn  had  obtained  it  from 
the  "  Merrie  Monarch"  by  means  so  disreputable  that 
they  are  best  left  unstated.  From  that  time  till  his 
death  Washington  corresponded  with  several  of  the 
family  and  was  a  constant  visitor  at  Belvoir,  as  the 
Fairfaxes  were  at  Mount  Vernon. 

In  1755  Washington  told  his  brother  that  "to 
that  family  I  am  under  many  obligations,  particu 
larly  the  old  gentleman/'  but  as  time  went  on  he 
more  than  paid  the  debt.  In  1757  he  acted  as  pall 
bearer  to  William  Fairfax,  and  twelve  years  later 
his  diary  records,  "Set  off  with  Mrs.  Washington 
and  Patsey,  ...  in  order  to  stand  for  Mr.  B.  Fair 
fax's  third  son,  which  I  did  together  with  my  wife, 
Mr.  Warner  Washington  and  his  lady."  For  one 
of  the  family  he  obtained  an  army  commission,  and 
for  another  he  undertook  the  care  of  his  property 
during  a  visit  to  England ;  a  care  which  unex 
pectedly  lengthened,  and  was  resigned  only  when 
Washington's  time  became  public  property.  Nor 
did  that  lessen  his  services  or  the  Fairfaxes'  need 
of  them,  for  in  the  Revolution  that  family  were 
loyalists.  Despite  this,  "the  friendship,"  Washing 
ton  assured  them,  "  which  I  ever  professed  and  felt 
for  you,  met  no  diminution  from  the  difference  in 
our  political  sentiments,"  and  in  1778  he  was  able 
to  secure  the  safety  of  Lord  Fairfax  from  persecu- 

2x0 


•j^ 


' 

SURVEY  OF  WASHINGTON'S  BIRTHPLACE  (WAKEFIKLU),   1743 


FRIENDS 

tion  at  the  hands  of  the  Whigs,  a  service  acknowl 
edged  by  his  lordship  in  the  following  words  : 

"  There  are  times  when  favors  conferred  make  a  greater  impres 
sion  than  at  others,  for,  though  I  have  received  many,  I  hope  I  have 
not  been  unmindful  of  them  ;  yet  that,  at  a  time  your  popularity  was 
at  the  highest  and  mine  at  the  lowest,  and  when  it  is  so  common  for 
men's  resentments  to  run  up  high  against  those,  who  differ  from 
them  in  opinion,  you  should  act  with  your  wonted  kindness  towards 
me,  has  affected  me  more  than  any  favor  I  have  received  ;  and  could 
not  be  believed  by  some  in  New  York,  it  being  above  the  run  of 
common  minds." 

In  behalf  of  another  member  of  the  family,  threat 
ened  with  confiscation,  he  wrote  to  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Delegates,  "  I  hope,  I  trust,  that  no  act  of 
Legislation  in  the  State  of  Virginia  has  affected,  or 
can  affect,  the  property  of  this  gentleman,  otherwise 
than  in  common  with  that  of  every  good  and  well 
disposed  citizen  of  America,"  and  this  was  sufficient 
to  put  an  end  to  the  project.  At  the  close  of  the 
war  he  wrote  to  this  absentee,  "  There  was  nothing 
wanting  in  [your]  Letter  to  give  compleat  satisfac 
tion  to  Mrs.  Washington  and  myself  but  some  ex 
pression  to  induce  us  to  believe  you  would  once 
more  become  our  neighbors.  Your  house  at  Bel- 
voir  I  am  sorry  to  add  is  no  more,  but  mine  (which 
is  enlarged  since  you  saw  it),  is  most  sincerely  and 
heartily  at  your  service  till  you  could  rebuild  it  As 
the  path,  after  being  closed  by  a  long,  arduous,  and 
painful  contest,  is  to  use  an  Indian  metaphor,  now 
opened  and  made  smooth,  I  shall  please  myself  with 
the  hope  of  hearing  from  you  frequently ;  and  till 
you  forbid  me  to  indulge  the  wish,  I  shall  not  de- 

211 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

spair  of  seeing  you  and  Mrs.  Fairfax  once  more  the 
inhabitants  of  Belvoir,  and  greeting  you  both  there 
the  intimate  companions  of  our  old  age,  as  you 
have  been  of  our  younger  years."  And  to  another 
he  left  a  token  of  remembrance  in  his  will. 

One  of  the  most  curious  circle  of  friends  was  that 
composed  of  Indians.  After  his  mission  among 
them  in  1753,  Washington  wrote  to  a  tribe  and 
signed  himself  "your  friend  and  brother."  In  a 
less  general  sense  he  requested  an  Indian  agent  to 
"  recommend  me  kindly  to  Mononcatoocha  and 
others  ;  tell  them  how  happy  it  would  make  Cono- 
tocarius  to  have  an  opportunity  of  taking  them 
by  the  hand."  A  little  later  he  had  this  pleasure, 
and  he  wrote  the  governor,  "  the  Indians  are  all 
around  teasing  and  perplexing  me  for  one  thing  or 
another,  so  that  I  scarce  know  what  I  write."  When 
Washington  left  the  frontier  this  intercourse  ceased, 
but  he  was  not  forgotten,  for  in  descending  the  Ohio 
in  his  Western  trip  of  1770  a  hunting  party  was 
met,  and  "in  the  person  of  Kiashuto  I  found  an 
old  acquaintance,  he  being  one  of  the  Indians 
that  went  [with  me]  to  the  French  in  1753.  He 
expressed  satisfaction  at  seeing  me,  and  treated  us 
with  great  kindness,  giving  us  a  quarter  of  very  fine 
buffalo.  He  insisted  upon  our  spending  that  night 
with  him,  and,  in  order  to  retard  us  as  little  as  pos 
sible  moved  his  camp  down  the  river." 

With  his  appointment  to  the  Virginia  regiment 
came  military  friends.  From  the  earliest  of  these — 
Van  Braam,  who  had  served  under  Lawrence  Wash 
ington  in  the  Carthagena  expedition  of  1742,  and 

212 


FRIENDS 

who  had  come  to  live  at  Mount  Vernon — Washing 
ton  had  previously  taken  lessons  in  fencing,  and 
when  appointed  the  bearer  of  a  letter  to  the  French 
commander  on  the  Ohio  he  took  Van  Braam  with 
him  as  interpreter.  A  little  later,  on  receiving  his 
majority,  Washington  appointed  Van  Braam  his 
recruiting  lieutenant,  and  recommended  him  to  the 
governor  for  a  captain's  commission  on  the  grounds 
that  he  was  "an  experienced  good  officer."  To 
Van  Braam  fell  the  duty  of  translating  the  capitula 
tion  to  the  French  at  Fort  Necessity,  and  to  his 
reading  was  laid  the  blunder  by  which  Washington 
signed  a  statement  acknowledging  himself  as  an 
"assassin."  In  consequence  he  became  the  scape 
goat  of  the  expedition,  was  charged  by  the  gov 
ernor  with  being  a  "  poltroon"  and  traitor,  and  was 
omitted  from  the  Assembly's  vote  of  thanks  and 
extra  pay  to  the  regiment  But  Washington  stood 
by  him,  and  when  himself  burgess  succeeded  in 
getting  this  latter  vote  rescinded. 

Another  friend  of  the  same  period  was  the  Cheva 
lier  Peyroney,  whom  Washington  first  made  an  en 
sign,  and  then  urged  the  governor  to  advance  him, 
promising  that  'a  the  governor  "should  be  pleased 
to  indulge  me  in  this  request,  I  shall  look  upon  it  in  a 
very  particular  light."  Peyroney  was  badly  wounded 
at  Fort  Necessity  and  was  furloughed,  during  which 
he  wrote  his  commander,  "  I  have  made  my  par 
ticular  Business  to  tray  if  any  had  some  Bad  in 
tention  against  you  here  Below ;  But  thank  God  I 
meet  allowais  with  a  good  wish  for  you  from  evry 
Mouth  each  one  entertining  such  Caracter  of  you 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

as  I  have  the  honour  to  do  myself."  He  served 
again  in  the  Braddock  march,  and  in  that  fiasco, 
Washington  wrote,  "  Captain  Peyroney  and  all  his 
officers  down  to  a  corporal,  was  killed." 

With  Captain  Stewart — "  a  gentleman  whose  as 
siduity  and  military  capacity  are  second  to  none  in 
our  Service" — Washington  was  intimate  enough  to 
have  Stewart  apply  in  1763  for  four  hundred  pounds 
to  aid  him  to  purchase  a  commission,  a  sum  Wash 
ington  did  not  have  at  his  disposal.  But  because  of 
"  a  regard  of  that  high  nature  that  I  could  never 
see  you  uneasy  without  feeling  a  part  and  wishing 
to  remove  the  cause,"  Washington  lent  him  three 
hundred  pounds  towards  it,  apparently  without 
much  return,  for  some  years  later  he  wrote  to  a 
friend  that  he  was  "very  glad  to  learn  that  my 
friend  Stewart  was  well  when  you  left  London.  I 
have  not  had  a  letter  from  him  these  five  years." 
At  the  close  of  the  Revolution  he  received  a  letter 
from  Stewart  containing  "affectionate  and  flatter 
ing  expressions,"  which  gave  Washington  "much 
pleasure,"  as  it  "removed  an  apprehension  I  had 
long  labored  under,  of  your  having  taken  your  de 
parture  for  the  land  of  Spirits.  How  else  could  I 
account  for  a  silence  of  1 5  years.  I  shall  always  be 
happy  to  see  you  at  Mt  Vernon." 

His  friend  William  Ramsay — "  well  known,  well- 
esteemed,  and  of  unblemished  character" — he  ap 
pointed  commissary,  and  long  after,  in  1769,  wrote, — 

"  Having  once  or  twice  of  late  heard  you  speak  highly  in  praise  o 
the  Jersey  College,  as  if  you  had  a  desire  of  sending  your  son  William 
there  ...  I  should  be  glad,  if  you  have  no  other  objection  to  it 

214 


FRIENDS 

than  what  may  arise  from  the  expense,  if  you  would  send  him  there 
as  soon  as  it  is  convenient,  and  depend  on  me  for  twenty-five  pounds 
this  currency  a  year  for  his  support,  so  long  as  it  may  be  necessary 
for  the  completion  of  his  education.  If  I  live  to  see  the  accomplish 
ment  of  this  term,  the  sum  here  stipulated  shall  be  annually  paid ; 
and  if  I  die  in  the  mean  while,  this  letter  shall  be  obligatory  upon  my 
heirs,  or  executors,  to  do  it  according  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning 
hereof.  No  other  return  is  expected,  or  wished,  for  this  offer,  than 
that  you  will  accept  it  with  the  same  freedom  and  good  will,  with 
which  it  is  made,  and  that  you  may  not  even  consider  it  in  the  light 
of  an  obligation  or  mention  it  as  such  ;  for,  be  assured,  that  from  me 
it  will  never  be  known." 

The  dearest  friendship  formed  in  these  years  was 
with  the  doctor  of  the  regiment,  James  Craik,  who 
in  the  course  of  his  duties  attended  Washington  in 
two  serious  illnesses,  and  when  the  war  was  ended 
settled  near  Mount  Vernon.  He  was  frequently  a 
visitor  there,  and  soon  became  the  family  medical 
attendant.  When  appointed  General,  Washington 
wrote,  "  tell  Doctor  Craik  that  I  should  be  very  glad 
to  see  him  here  if  there  was  anything  worth  his 
acceptance ;  but  the  Massachusetts  people  suffer 
nothing  to  go  by  them  that  they  lay  hands  upon." 
In  1777  the  General  secured  his  appointment  as 
deputy  surgeon-general  of  the  Middle  Department, 
and  three  years  later,  when  the  hospital  service  was 
being  reformed,  he  used  his  influence  to  have  him 
retained.  Craik  was  one  of  those  instrumental  in 
warning  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  existence  of 
the  Conway  Cabal,  because  "  my  attachment  to 
your  person  is  such,  my  friendship  is  so  sincere,  that 
every  hint  which  has  a  tendency  to  hurt  your  honor, 
wounds  me  most  sensibly."  The  doctor  was  Wash 
ington's  companion,  by  invitation,  in  both  his  later 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

trips  to  the  Ohio,  and  his  trust  in  him  was  so  strong 
that  he  put  under  his  care  the  two  nephews  whose 
charge  he  had  assumed.  In  Washington's  ledger 
an  entry  tells  of  another  piece  of  friendliness,  to  the 
effect,  "  Dr.  James  Craik,  paid  him,  being  a  donation 
to  his  son,  Geo.  Washington  Craik  for  his  education 
£30,"  and  after  graduating  the  young  man  for  a 
time  served  as  one  of  his  private  secretaries.  After 
a  serious  illness  in  1789,  Washington  wrote  to  the 
doctor,  "  persuaded  as  I  am,  that  the  case  has  been 
treated  with  skill,  and  with  as  much  tenderness  as 
the  nature  of  the  complaint  would  admit,  yet  I  con 
fess  I  often  wished  for  your  inspection  of  it,"  and 
later  he  wrote,  "if  I  should  ever  have  occasion  for 
a  Physician  or  Surgeon,  I  should  prefer  my  old 
Surgeon,  Dr.  Craik,  who,  from  40  years'  experience, 
is  better  qualified  than  a  Dozen  of  them  put  to 
gether."  Craik  was  the  first  of  the  doctors  to  reach 
Washington's  bedside  in  his  last  illness,  and  when 
the  dying  man  predicted  his  own  death,  "  the  Doctor 
pressed  his  hand  but  could  not  utter  a  word.  He 
retired  from  the  bedside  and  sat  by  the  fire  absorbed 
in  grief."  In  Washington's  will  he  left  "  to  my  com 
patriot  in  arms  and  old  and  intimate  friend,  Doctor 
Craik  I  give  my  Bureau  (or  as  the  Cabinet  makers 
called  it,  Tambour  Secretary)  and  the  circular  chair, 
an  appendage  of  my  study." 

The  arrival  of  Braddock  and  his  army  at  Alex 
andria  brought  a  new  circle  of  military  friends. 
Washington  "  was  very  particularly  noticed  by  that 
General,  was  taken  into  his  family  as  an  extra  aid, 
offered  a  Captain's  commission  by  brevet  (which  was 

216 


FRIENDS 

the  highest  grade  he  had  it  in  his  power  to  bestow) 
and  had  the  compliment  of  several  blank  Ensign- 
cies  given  him  to  dispose  of  to  the  Young  Gentle 
men  of  his  acquaintance."  In  this  position  he  was 
treated  "with  much  complaisance  .  .  .  especially 
from  the  General,"  which  meant  much,  as  Braddock 
seems  to  have  had  nothing  but  curses  for  nearly 
every  one  else,  and  the  more  as  Washington  and  he 
"  had  frequent  disputes,"  which  were  "  maintained 
with  warmth  on  both  sides,  especially  on  his."  But 
the  general,  "  though  his  enmities  were  strong,"  in 
11  his  attachments"  was  "warm,"  and  grew  to  like  and 
trust  the  young  volunteer,  and  had  he  "survived  his 
unfortunate  defeat,  I  should  have  met  with  prefer 
ment,"  having  "his  promise  to  that  effect."  Wash 
ington  was  by  the  general  when  he  was  wounded  in 
the  lungs,  lifted  him  into  a  covered  cart,  and  "brought 
him  over  the  first  ford  of  the  Monongahela,"  into 
temporary  safety.  Three  days  later  Braddock  died  of 
his  wounds,  bequeathing  to  Washington  his  favorite 
horse  and  his  body-servant  as  tokens  of  his  grati 
tude.  Over  him  Washington  read  the  funeral  ser 
vice,  and  it  was  left  to  him  to  see  that  "  the  poor 
general"  was  interred  "  with  the  honors  of  war." 

Even  before  public  service  had  made  him  known, 
Washington  was  a  friend  and  guest  of  many  of  the 
leading  Virginians.  Between  1747  and  1754  he 
visited  the  Carters  of  Shirley,  Nomony,  and  Sabine 
Hall,  the  Lewises  of  Warner  Hall,  the  Lees  of  Strat 
ford,  and  the  Byrds  of  Westover,  and  there  was 
acquaintance  at  least  with  the  Spotswoods,  Faun- 
tleroys,  Corbins,  Randolphs,  Harrisons,  Robinsons, 

217 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Nicholases,  and  other  prominent  families.  In  fact, 
one  friend  wrote  him,  "  your  health  and  good  fortune 
are  the  toast  of  every  table,"  and  another  that  "the 
Council  and  Burgesses  are  mostly  your  friends,"  and 
those  two  bodies  included  every  Virginian  of  real 
influence.  It  was  Richard  Corbin  who  enclosed  him 
his  first  commission,  in  a  brief  note,  beginning  "Dear 
George"  and  ending  "your  friend,"  but  in  time  re 
lations  became  more  or  less  strained,  and  Washington 
suspected  him  "  of  representing  my  character  .  .  . 
with  ungentlemanly  freedom."  With  John  Robin 
son,  "  Speaker"  and  Treasurer  of  Virginia,  who  wrote 
Washington  in  1756,  "our  hopes,  dear  George,  are 
all  fixed  on  you,"  a  close  correspondence  was  main 
tained,  and  when  Washington  complained  of  the 
governor's  course  towards  him  Robinson  replied,  "  I 
beg  dear  friend,  that  you  will  bear,  so  far  as  a  man 
of  honor  ought,  the  discouragements  and  slights  you 
have  too  often  met  with."  The  son,  Beverly  Robin 
son,  was  a  fellow-soldier,  and,  as  already  mentioned, 
was  Washington's  host  on  his  visit  to  New  York  in 
1756.  The  Revolution  interrupted  the  friendship, 
but  it  is  alleged  that  Robinson  (who  was  deep  in  the 
Arnold  plot)  made  an  appeal  to  the  old-time  relation 
in  an  endeavor  to  save  Andre.  The  appeal  was  in 
vain,  but  auld  lang  syne  had  its  influence,  for  the 
sons  of  Beverly,  British  officers  taken  prisoners  in 
1779,  were  promptly  exchanged,  so  one  of  them 
asserted,  "  in  consequence  of  the  embers  of  friend 
ship  that  still  remained  unextinguished  in  the  breasts 
of  my  father  and  General  Washington." 

Outside  of  his  own  colony,  too,  Washington  made 
218 


FRIENDS 

friends  of  many  prominent  families,  with  whom 
there  was  more  or  less  interchange  of  hospitality. 
Before  the  Revolution  there  had  been  visiting  or 
breaking  of  bread  with  the  Galloways,  Dulaneys, 
Carrolls,  Calverts,  Jenifers,  Edens,  Ringgolds,  and 
Tilghmans  of  Maryland,  the  Penns,  Cadwaladers, 
Morrises,  Shippens,  Aliens,  Dickinsons,  Chews,  and 
Willings  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  De  Lanceys  and 
Bayards  of  New  York. 

Election  to  the  Continental  Congress  strengthened 
some  friendships  and  added  new  ones.  With  Benja 
min  Harrison  he  was  already  on  terms  of  intimacy, 
and  as  long  as  the  latter  was  in  Congress  he  was 
the  member  most  in  the  confidence  of  the  Gen 
eral.  Later  they  differed  in  politics,  but  Washing 
ton  assured  Harrison  that  "my  friendship  is  not 
in  the  least  lessened  by  the  difference,  which  has 
taken  place  in  our  political  sentiments,  nor  is  my 
regard  for  you  diminished  by  the  part  you  have 
acted."  Joseph  Jones  and  Patrick  Henry  both  took 
his  part  against  the  Cabal,  and  the  latter  did  him 
especial  service  in  forwarding  to  him  the  famous 
anonymous  letter,  an  act  for  which  Washington  felt 
"most  grateful  obligations."  Henry  and  Washing 
ton  differed  later  in  politics,  and  it  was  reported  that 
the  latter  spoke  disparagingly  of  the  former,  but  this 
Washington  denied,  and  not  long  after  offered  Henry 
the  Secretaryship  of  State.  Still  later  he  made  a 
personal  appeal  to  him  to  come  forward  and  combat 
the  Virginia  resolutions  of  1798,  an  appeal  to  which 
Henry  responded.  The  intimacy  with  Robert  Morris 
was  close,  and,  as  already  noted,  Washington  and 

219 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

his  family  were  several  times  inmates  of  his  home. 
Gouverneur  Morris  was  one  of  his  most  trusted  ad- 
viseifc,  and,  it  is  claimed,  gave  the  casting  vote  which 
saved  Washington  from  being  arrested  in  1778,  when 
the  Cabal  was  fiercest.  While  President,  Washington 
sent  him  on  a  most  important  mission  to  Great 
Britain,  and  on  its  completion  made  him  Minister  to 
France.  From  that  post  the  President  was,  at  the 
request  of  France,  compelled  to  recall  him ;  but  in 
doing  so  Washington  wrote  him  a  private  letter 
assuring  Morris  that  he  "  held  the  same  place  in 
my  estimation"  as  ever,  and  signed  himself  "  yours 
affectionately."  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  was 
a  partisan  of  the  General,  and  very  much  disgusted 
a  member  of  the  Cabal  by  telling  him  "  almost 
literally  that  anybody  who  displeased  or  did  not 
admire  the  Commander-in-chief,  ought  not  to  be 
kept  in  the  army."  And  to  Edward  Rutledge 
Washington  wrote,  "  I  can  but  love  and  thank  you, 
and  I  do  it  sincerely  for  your  polite  and  friendly 
letter.  .  .  .  The  sentiments  contained  in  it  are  such 
as  have  uniformly  flowed  from  your  pen,  and  they 
are  not  the  less  flattering  than  pleasing  to  me." 

The  command  of  the  Continental  army  brought  a 
new  kind  of  friend,  in  the  young  aides  of  his  staff! 
One  of  his  earliest  appointments  was  Joseph  Reed, 
and,  though  he  remained  but  five  months  in  the  ser 
vice,  a  close  friendship  was  formed.  Almost  weekly 
Washington  wrote  him  in  the  most  confidential  and 
affectionate  manner,  and  twice  he  appealed  to  Reed 
to  take  the  position  once  more,  in  one  instance  add 
ing  that  if  "you  are  disposed  to  continue  with  me,  I 


FRIENDS 

shall  think  myself  too  fortunate  and  happy  to  wish 
for  a  change."  Yet  Washington  none  the  less  sent 
Reed  congratulations  on  his  election  to  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Assembly,  "  although  I  consider  it  the  coup- 
de-grace  to  my  ever  seeing  you"  again  a  "member 
of  my  family,"  to  help  him  he  asked  a  friend  to 
endeavor  to  get  Reed  legal  business,  and  when 
all  law  business  ceased  and  the  would-be  lawyer 
was  without  occupation  or  means  of  support,  he 
used  his  influence  to  secure  him  the  appointment  of 
adjutant. 

Reed  kept  him  informed  as  to  the  news  of  Phila 
delphia,  and  wrote  even  such  adverse  criticism  of  the 
General  as  he  heard,  which  Washington  "gratefully" 
acknowledged.  But  one  criticism  Reed  did  not 
write  was  what  he  himself  was  saying  of  his  general 
after  the  fall  of  Fort  Washington,  for  which  he 
blamed  the  commander-in-chief  in  a  letter  to  Lee, 
and  probably  to  others,  for  when  later  Reed  and 
Arnold  quarrelled,  the  latter  boasted  that  "  I  can 
say  I  never  basked  in  the  sunshine  of  my  general's 
favor,  and  courted  him  to  his  face,  when  I  was  at  the 
same  time  treating  him  with  the  greatest  disrespect 
and  villifying  his  character  when  absent.  This  is 
more  than  a  ruling  member  of  the  Council  of  Penn 
sylvania  can  say."  Washington  learned  of  this 
criticism  in  a  letter  from  Lee  to  Reed,  which  was 
opened  at  head-quarters  on  the  supposition  that  it 
was  on  army  matters,  and  "  with  no  idea  of  its  being 
a  private  letter,  much  less  the  tendency  of  the  cor 
respondence,"  as  Washington  explained  in  a  letter 
to  Reed,  which  had  not  a  word  of  reproach  for  the 

221 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

double-dealing  that  must  have  cut  the  General 
keenly,  coming  as  it  did  at  a  moment  of  misfortune 
and  discouragement.  Reed  wrote  a  lame  explana 
tion  and  apology,  and  later  sought  to  "  regain"  the 
"lost  friendship"  by  an  earnest  appeal  to  Washing 
ton's  generosity.  Nor  did  he  appeal  in  vain,  for  the 
General  replied  that  though  "  I  felt  myself  hurt  by  a 
certain  letter  ...  I  was  hurt  .  .  .  because  the  same 
sentiments  were  not  communicated  immediately  to 
myself."  The  old-time  intimacy  was  renewed,  and 
how  little  his  personal  feeling  had  influenced  Wash 
ington  is  shown  in  the  fact  that  even  previous  to  this 
peace-making  he  had  secured  for  Reed  the  appoint 
ment  to  command  one  of  the  choicest  brigades  in 
the  army.  Perhaps  the  friendship  was  never  quite 
as  close,  but  in  writing  him  Washington  still  signed 
himself  "yours  affectionately." 

John  Laurens,  appointed  an  aide  in  1777,  quickly 
endeared  himself  to  Washington,  and  conceived  the 
most  ardent  affection  for  his  chief.  The  young 
officer  of  twenty-four  used  all  his  influence  with  his 
father  (then  President  of  Congress)  against  the  Cabal, 
and  in  1778,  when  Charles  Lee  was  abusing  the 
commander-in-chief,  Laurens  thought  himself  bound 
to  resent  it,  "  as  well  on  account  of  the  relation  he 
bore  to  General  Washington,  as  from  motives  of 
personal  friendship  and  respect  for  his  character," 
and  he  challenged  the  defamer  and  put  a  bullet  into 
him.  To  his  commander  he  signed  himself  "with 
the  greatest  veneration  and  attachment  your  Excel 
lency's  Faithful  Aid,"  and  Washington  in  his  letters 
always  addressed  him  as  "  my  dear  Laurens."  After 

222 


FRIENDS 

his  death  in  battle,  Washington  wrote,  in  reply  to  an 
inquiry, — 

"You  ask  if  the  character  ot  Colonel  John  Laurens,  as  drawn  in 
the  Independent  Chronicle  of  2d  of  December  last,  is  just.  I  an 
swer,  that  such  parts  of  the  drawing  as  have  fallen  under  my  obser 
vation,  is  literally  so ;  and  that  it  is  my  firm  belief  his  merits  and 
worth  richly  entitle  him  to  the  whole  picture.  No  man  possessed 
more  of  the  amor  patrice.  In  a  word,  he  had  not  a  fault,  that  I 
could  discover,  unless  intrepidity  bordering  upon  rashness  could 
come  under  that  denomination ;  and  to  this  he  was  excited  by  the 
purest  motives." 

Of  another  aide,  Tench  Tilghman,  Washington 
said,  "  he  has  been  a  zealous  servant  and  slave  to  the 
public,  and  a  faithful  assistant  to  me  for  near  five 
years,  great  part  of  which  time  he  refused  to  receive 
pay.  Honor  and  gratitude  interest  me  in  his  favor." 
As  an  instance  of  this,  the  commander-in-chief  gave 
to  him  the  distinction  of  bearing  to  Congress  the 
news  of  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis,  with  the  re 
quest  to  that  body  that  Tilghman  should  be  honored 
in  some  manner.  And  in  acknowledging  a  letter 
Washington  said,  "I  receive  with  great  sensibility 
and  pleasure  your  assurances  of  affection  and  regard. 
It  would  be  but  a  renewal  of  what  I  have  often 
repeated  to  you,  that  there  are  few  men  in  the  world 
to  whom  I  am  more  attached  by  inclination  than  I 
am  to  you.  With  the  Cause,  I  hope — most  devoutly 
hope — there  will  be  an  end  to  my  Military  Service, 
when  as  our  places  of  residence  will  not  be  far  apart, 
I  shall  never  be  more  happy  than  in  your  Company 
at  Mt.  Vernon.  I  shall  always  be  glad  to  hear  from, 
and  keep  up  a  correspondence  with  you."  When 
Tilghman  died,  Washington  asserted  that 
223 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

"  He  had  left  as  fair  a  reputation  as  ever  belonged  to  a  human 
character,"  and  to  his  father  he  wrote,  "Of  all  the  numerous  ac 
quaintances  of  your  lately  deceased  son,  &  midst  all  the  sorrowings 
that  are  mingled  on  that  melancholy  occasion,  I  may  venture  to  assert 
that  (excepting  those  of  his  nearest  relatives)  none  could  have  felt  his 
death  with  more  regret  than  I  did,  because  no  one  entertained  a 
higher  opinion  of  his  worth,  or  had  imbibed  sentiments  of  greater 
friendship  for  him  than  I  had  done.  .  .  .  Midst  all  your  grief,  there 
is  this  consolation  to  be  drawn  ; — that  while  living,  no  man  could  be 
more  esteemed,  and  since  dead,  none  more  lamented  than  Colo. 
Tilghman." 

To  David  Humphreys,  a  member  of  the  staff, 
Washington  gave  the  honor  of  carrying  to  Congress 
the  standards  captured  at  Yorktown,  recommending 
him  to  the  notice  of  that  body  for  his  "  attention, 
fidelity,  and  good  services."  This  aide  escorted 
Washington  to  Mount  Vernon  at  the  close  of  the 
Revolution,  and  was  "  the  last  officer  belonging  to 
the  army"  who  parted  from  "the  Commander-in- 
chief."  Shortly  after,  Humphreys  returned  to  Mount 
Vernon,  half  as  secretary  and  half  as  visitor  and 
companion,  and  he  alluded  to  this  time  in  his  poem 
of  "  Mount  Vernon,"  when  he  said, — 

"Twas  mine,  return'd  from  Europe's  courts 
To  share  his  thoughts,  partake  his  sports." 

When  Washington  was  accused  of  cruelty  in  the 
Asgill  case,  Humphreys  published  an  account  of  the 
affair,  completely  vindicating  his  friend,  for  which  he 
was  warmly  thanked.  He  was  frequently  urged  to 
come  to  Mount  Vernon,  and  Washington  on  one 
occasion  lamented  "the  cause  which  has  deprived 
us  of  your  aid  in  the  attack  of  Christmas  pies,"  and 
on  another  assured  Humphreys  of  his  "  great  pleas 
ure  [when]  I  received  the  intimation  of  your  spend- 

224 


&f*nlL^.  % .t&asfalAj  A-i^y^ .^  'JffJK-;^  '    ^ 

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: 

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. 

WASHINGTON    FAMILY    RECORD 


FRIENDS 

ing  the  winter  under  this  Roof.  The  invitation  was 
not  less  sincere,  than  the  reception  will  be  cordial. 
The  only  stipulations  I  shall  contend  for  are,  that  in 
all  things  you  shall  do  as  you  please — I  will  do  the 
same ;  and  that  no  ceremony  may  be  used  or  any 
restraint  be  imposed  on  any  one."  Humphreys  was 
visiting  him  when  the  notification  of  his  election  as 
President  was  received,  and  was  the  only  person, 
except  servants,  who  accompanied  Washington  to 
New  York.  Here  he  continued  for  a  time  to  give 
his  assistance,  and  was  successively  appointed  Indian 
commissioner,  informal  agent  to  Spain,  and  finally 
Minister  to  Portugal.  While  holding  this  latter 
position  Washington  wrote  to  him,  "When  you 
shall  think  with  the  poet  that  '  the  post  of  honor  is  a 
private  station' — &  may  be  inclined  to  enjoy  your 
self  in  my  shades  ...  I  can  only  tell  you  that  you 
will  meet  with  the  same  cordial  reception  at  Mount 
Vernon  that  you  have  always  experienced  at  that 
place,"  and  when  Humphreys  answered  that  his 
coming  marriage  made  the  visit  impossible,  Wash 
ington  replied,  "  The  desire  of  a  companion  in  my 
latter  days,  in  whom  I  could  confide  .  .  .  induced 
me  to  express  too  strongly  .  .  .  the  hope  of  having 
you  as  an  inmate."  On  the  death  of  Washington, 
Humphreys  published  a  poem  expressing  the  deep 
est  affection  and  admiration  for  "  my  friend." 

The  longest  and  closest  connection  was  that  with 
Hamilton.  This  very  young  and  obscure  officer 
attracted  Washington's  attention  in  the  campaign 
of  1/76,  early  in  the  next  year  was  appointed  to 
the  staff,  and  quickly  became  so  much  a  favorite 
is  225 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

that  Washington  spoke  of  him  as  "my  boy." 
Whatever  friendliness  this  implied  was  not,  how 
ever,  reciprocated  by  Hamilton.  After  four  years  of 
service,  he  resigned,  under  circumstances  to  which 
he  pledged  Washington  to  secrecy,  and  then  him 
self,  in  evident  irritation,  wrote  as  follows  : 

"  Two  days  ago,  the  General  and  I  passed  each  other  on  the  stairs. 
He  told  me  he  wanted  to  speak  to  me.  I  answered  that  I  would 
wait  upon  him  immediately.  I  went  below,  and  delivered  Mr. 
Tilghman  a  letter  to  be  sent  to  the  commissary,  containing  an  order 
of  a  pressing  and  interesting  nature.  Returning  to  the  General,  I 
was  stopped  on  the  way  by  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  and  we  con 
versed  together  about  a  minute  on  a  matter  of  business.  He  can 
testify  how  impatient  I  was  to  get  back,  and  that  I  left  him  in  a 
manner  which,  but  for  our  intimacy  would  have  been  more  than 
abrupt.  Instead  of  finding  the  General,  as  is  usual,  in  his  room,  I 
met  him  at  the  head  of  the  stairs,  where,  accosting  me  in  an  angry 
tone,  '  Colonel  Hamilton, '  said  he  '  you  have  kept  me  waiting  at  the 
head  of  the  stairs  these  ten  minutes.  I  must  tell  you,  sir,  you  treat 
me  with  disrespect. '  I  replied  without  petulancy,  but  with  decision  : 
'  I  am  not  conscious  of  it,  sir  ;  but  since  you  have  thought  it  neces 
sary  to  tell  me  so,  we  part.'  *  Very  well,  sir,'  said  he,  '  if  it  be  your 
choice,'  or  something  to  this  effect,  and  we  separated.  I  sincerely 
believe  my  absence,  which  gave  so  much  umbrage,  did  not  last  two 
minutes.  In  less  than  an  hour  after,  Tilghman  came  to  me  in  the 
General's  name,  assuring  me  of  his  great  confidence  in  my  abilities, 
integrity,  usefulness,  etc.,  and  of  his  desire,  in  a  candid  conversation, 
to  heal  a  difference  which  could  not  have  happened  but  in  a  moment 
of  passion.  I  requested  Mr.  Tilghman  to  tell  him — 1st.  That  I  had 
taken  my  resolution  in  a  manner  not  to  be  revoked.  .  .  .  Thus  we 
stand.  .  .  .  Perhaps  you  may  think  I  was  precipitate  in  rejecting  the 
overture  made  by  the  General  to  an  accomodation.  I  assure  you, 
my  dear  sir,  it  was  not  the  effect  of  resentment ;  it  was  the  deliberate 
result  of  maxims  I  had  long  formed  for  the  government  of  my  own 
conduct.  ...  I  believe  you  know  the  place  I  held  in  the  General's 
confidence  and  counsels,  which  will  make  more  extraordinary  to  you 
to  learn  that  for  three  years  past  I  have  felt  no  friendship  for  him  and 
have  professed  none.  The  truth  is,  our  dispositions  are  the  opposites 
of  each  other,  and  the  pride  of  my  temper  would  not  suffer  me  to 

226 


FRIENDS 

profess  what  I  did  not  feel.  Indeed,  when  advances  of  this  kind 
have  been  made  to  me  on  his  part,  they  were  received  in  a  manner 
that  showed  at  least  that  I  had  no  desire  to  court  them,  and  that  I 
desired  to  stand  rather  upon  a  footing  of  military  confidence  than 
of  private  attachment." 

Had  Washington  been  the  man  this  letter  de 
scribed  he  would  never  have  forgiven  this  treatment 
On  the  contrary,  only  two  months  later,  when  com 
pelled  to  refuse  for  military  reasons  a  favor  Hamilton 
asked,  he  said  that  "my  principal  concern  arises  from 
an  apprehension  that  you  will  impute  my  refusal  to 
your  request  to  other  motives."  On  this  refusal 
Hamilton  enclosed  his  commission  to  Washington, 
but  "Tilghman  came  to  me  in  his  name,  pressed  me 
to  retain  my  commission,  with  an  assurance  that  he 
would  endeavor,  by  all  means,  to  give  me  a  com 
mand."  Later  Washington  did  more  than  Hamilton 
himself  had  asked,  when  he  gave  him  the  leading  of 
the  storming  party  at  Yorktown,  a  post  envied  by 
every  officer  in  the  army. 

Apparently  this  generosity  lessened  Hamilton's 
resentment,  for  a  correspondence  on  public  affairs 
was  maintained  from  this  time  on,  though  Madison 
stated  long  after  "that  Hamilton  often  spoke  dis 
paragingly  of  Washington's  talents,  particularly  after 
the  Revolution  and  at  the  first  part  of  the  presi- 
dentcy,"  and  Benjamin  Rush  confirms  this  by  a  note 
to  the  effect  that  "  Hamilton  often  spoke  with  con 
tempt  of  General  Washington.  He  said  that  .  .  . 
his  heart  was  a  stone."  The  rumor  of  the  ill  feeling 
was  turned  to  advantage  by  Hamilton's  political 
opponents  in  1787,  and  compelled  the  former  to 

227 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

appeal  to  Washington  to  save  him  from  the  injury 
the  story  was  doing.  In  response  Washington 
wrote  a  letter  intended  for  public  use,  in  which  he 
said, — 

"  As  you  say  it  is  insinuated  by  some  of  your  political  adversaries, 
and  may  obtain  credit,  *  that  you  palmed  yourself  upon  me,  and  was 
dismissed  from  my  family,'  and  call  upon  me  to  do  you  justice  by  a 
recital  of  the  facts,  I  do  therefore  explicitly  declare,  that  both  charges 
are  entirely  unfounded.  With  respect  to  the  first,  I  have  no  cause 
to  believe,  that  you  took  a  single  step  to  accomplish,  or  had  the  most 
distant  idea  of  receiving  an  appointment  in  my  family  till  you  were 
invited  in  it ;  and,  with  respect  to  the  second,  that  your  quitting  it 
was  altogether  the  effect  of  your  own  choice." 

With  the  appointment  as  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  warmer  feelings  were  developed.  Hamilton 
became  the  President's  most  trusted  official,  and  was 
tireless  in  the  aid  he  gave  his  superior.  Even  after 
he  left  office  he  performed  many  services  equivalent 
to  official  ones,  for  which  Washington  did  "not 
know  how  to  thank"  him  "  sufficiently,"  and  the 
President  leaned  on  his  judgment  to  an  otherwise 
unexampled  extent.  This  service  produced  affection 
and  respect,  and  in  1792  Washington  wrote  from 
Mount  Vernon,  "We  have  learnt  .  .  .  that  you 
have  some  thoughts  of  taking  a  trip  this  way.  I 
felt  pleasure  at  hearing  it,  and  hope  it  is  unnecessary 
to  add,  that  it  would  be  considerably  increased  by 
seeing  you  under  this  roof;  for  you  may  be  assured 
of  the  sincere  and  affectionate  regard  of  yours,  &c. " 
and  signed  other  letters  "  always  and  affectionately 
yours,"  or  "very  affectionately,"  while  Hamilton 
reciprocated  by  sending  "  affectionate  attachment" 

228 


FRIENDS 

On  being  appointed  lieutenant-general  in  1798, 
Washington  at  once  sought  the  aid  of  Hamilton  for 
the  highest  position  under  him,  assuring  the  Secretary 
of  War  that  "of  the  abilities  and  fitness  of  the 
gentleman  you  have  named  for  a  high  command  in 
the  provisional  army,  I  think  as  you  do,  and  that  his 
services  ought  to  be  secured  at  almost  any  price." 
To  this  the  President,  who  hated  Hamilton,  objected, 
but  Washington  refused  to  take  the  command  unless 
this  wish  was  granted,  and  Adams  had  to  give  way. 
They  stood  in  this  relation  when  Washington  died, 
and  almost  the  last  letter  he  penned  was  to  this 
friend.  On  learning  of  the  death,  Hamilton  wrote 
of  "  our  beloved  Commander-in-chief," — 

"The  very  painful  event  .  .  .  filled  my  heart  with  bitterness. 
Perhaps  no  man  in  this  community  has  equal  cause  with  myself  to 
deplore  the  loss.  I  have  been  much  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  the 
General,  and  he  was  an  SEgis  very  essential  to  me.  But  regrets  are 
unavailing.  For  great  misfortunes  it  is  the  business  of  reason  to 
seek  consolation.  The  friends  of  General  Washington  have  very 
noble  ones.  If  virtue  can  secure  happiness  in  another  world,  he  is 
happy. ' ' 

Knox  was  the  earliest  army  friend  of  those  who 
rose  to  the  rank  of  general,  and  was  honored  by 
Washington  with  absolute  trust.  After  the  war  the 
two  corresponded,  and  Knox  expressed  "  unalterable 
affection"  for  the  "thousand  evidences  of  your  friend 
ship."  He  was  appointed  Secretary  of  War  in  the 
first  administration,  and  in  taking  command  of  the 
provisional  army  Washington  secured  his  appoint 
ment  as  a  major-general,  and  at  this  time  asserted 
that,  "  with  respect  to  General  Knox  I  can  say  with 

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THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

truth  there  is  no  man  in  the  United  States  with 
whom  I  have  been  in  habits  of  greater  intimacy,  no 
one  whom  I  have  loved  more  sincerely  nor  any  for 
whom  I  have  had  a  greater  friendship." 

Greene  was  perhaps  the  closest  to  Washington  of 
all  the  generals,  and  their  relations  might  be  dwelt 
upon  at  much  length.  But  the  best  evidence  of 
friendship  is  in  Washington's  treatment  of  a  story  in 
volving  his  financial  honesty,  of  which  he  said,  "  per 
suaded  as  I  always  have  been  of  Genl  Greene's  in 
tegrity  and  worth,  I  spurned  those  reports  which 
tended  to  calumniate  his  conduct  .  .  .  being  per 
fectly  convinced  that  whenever  the  matter  should  be 
investigated,  his  motives  .  .  .  would  appear  pure  and 
unimpeachable."  When  on  Greene's  death  Wash 
ington  heard  that  his  family  was  left  in  embarrassed 
circumstances,  he  offered,  if  Mrs.  Greene  would  "en 
trust  my  namesake  G.  Washington  Greene  to  my 
care,  I  will  give  him  as  good  an  education  as  this 
country  (I  mean  the  United  States)  will  afford,  and 
will  bring  him  up  to  either  of  the  genteel  professions 
that  his  frds.  may  chuse,  or  his  own  inclination  shall 
lead  him  to  pursue,  at  my  own  cost  &  expence." 

For  "Light-horse  Harry"  Lee  an  affection  more 
like  that  given  to  the  youngsters  of  the  staff  was 
felt.  Long  after  the  war  was  over,  Lee  began  a 
letter  to  him  "  Dear  General,"  and  then  continued, — 


"  Although  the  exalted  station,  which  your  love  of  us  and  our  love 
of  you  has  placed  you  in,  calls  for  change  in  mode  of  address,  yet  I 
cannot  so  quickly  relinquish  the  old  manner.  Your  military  rank 
holds  its  place  in  my  mind,  notwithstanding  your  civic  glory ;  and, 
whenever  I  do  abandon  the  title  which  used  to  distinguish  you,  I 

230 


FRIENDS 

shall  do  it  with  awkwardness.  .  .  .  My  reluctance  to  trespass  a 
moment  on  your  time  would  have  operated  to  a  further  procrastina 
tion  of  my  wishes,  had  I  not  been  roused  above  every  feeling  of 
ceremony  by  the  heart  rending  intelligence,  received  yesterday,  that 
your  life  was  despaired  of.  Had  I  had  wings  in  the  moment,  I 
should  have  wafted  myself  to  your  bedside,  only  again  to  see  the  first 
of  men  ;  but  alas  !  despairing  as  I  was,  from  the  account  received, 
after  the  affliction  of  one  day  and  night,  I  was  made  most  happy  by 
receiving  a  letter,  now  before  me  from  New  York,  announcing  the 
restoration  of  your  health.  May  heaven  preserve  it !" 

It  was  Lee  who  first  warned  Washington  that 
Jefferson  was  slandering  him  in  secret,  and  who  kept 
him  closely  informed  as  to  the  political  manoeuvres 
in  Virginia.  Washington  intrusted  to  him  the  com 
mand  of  the  army  in  the  Whiskey  Insurrection,  and 
gave  him  an  appointment  in  the  provisional  army. 
Lee  was  in  Congress  when  the  death  of  the  great 
American  was  announced  to  that  body,  and  it  was 
he  who  coined  the  famous  "  First  in  war,  first  in 
peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen." 

As  need  hardly  be  said,  however,  the  strongest 
affection  among  the  general  officers  was  that  be 
tween  Washington  and  Lafayette.  In  the  advent 
of  this  young  Frenchman  the  commander  saw  only 
"  embarassment,"  but  he  received  "  the  young  vol 
unteer,"  so  Lafayette  said,  "in  the  most  friendly 
manner,"  invited  him  to  reside  in  his  house  as  a 
member  of  his  military  family,  and  as  soon  as  he 
came  to  know  him  he  recommended  Congress  to 
give  him  a  command.  As  Lafayette  became  pop 
ular  with  the  army,  an  endeavor  was  made  by  the 
Cabal  to  win  him  to  their  faction  by  bribing  him 
with  an  appointment  to  lead  an  expedition  against 
Canada,  independent  of  control  by  Washington, 

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THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Lafayette  promptly  declined  the  command,  unless 
subject  to  the  General,  and  furthermore  he  "  braved 
the  whole  party  (Cabal)  and  threw  them  into  con 
fusion  by  making  them  drink  the  health  of  their 
general."  At  the  battle  of  Monmouth  Washington 
gave  the  command  of  the  attacking  party  to  Lafa 
yette,  and  after  the  conflict  the  two,  according  to 
the  latter,  "passed  the  night  lying  on  the  same 
mantle,  talking."  In  the  same  way  Washington 
distinguished  him  by  giving  him  the  command  of 
the  expedition  to  rescue  Virginia  from  Cornwallis, 
and  to  his  division  was  given  the  most  honorable 
position  at  Yorktown.  When  the  siege  of  that 
place  was  completed,  Lafayette  applied  for  leave  of 
absence  to  spend  the  winter  in  France,  and  as  he 
was  on  the  point  of  sailing  he  received  a  personal 
letter  from  Washington,  for  "  I  owe  it  to  friendship 
and  to  my  affectionate  regard  for  you  my  dear  Mar 
quis,  not  to  let  you  leave  this  country  without  carry 
ing  fresh  marks  of  my  attachment  to  you,"  and  in 
his  absence  Washington  wrote  that  a  mutual  friend 
who  bore  a  letter  "  can  tell  you  more  forcibly,  than 
I  can  express  how  much  we  all  love  and  wish  to 
embrace  you." 

A  reunion  came  in  1784,  looked  forward  to  by 
Lafayette  with  an  eagerness  of  which  he  wrote,  "  by 
Sunday  or  Monday,  I  hope  at  last  to  be  blessed  with 
a  sight  of  my  dear  General.  There  is  no  rest  for 
me  till  I  go  to  Mount  Vernon.  I  long  for  the  pleas 
ure  to  embrace  you,  my  dear  General ;  and  the 
happiness  of  being  once  more  with  you  will  be  so 
great,  that  no  words  can  ever  express  it  Adieu, 

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FRIENDS 

my  dear  General ;  in  a  few  days  I  shall  be  at  Mount 
Vernon,  and  I  do  already  feel  delighted  with  so 
charming  a  prospect."  After  this  visit  was  over 
Washington  wrote,  "  In  the  moment  of  our  separa 
tion,  upon  the  road  as  I  travelled,  and  every  hour 
since,  I  have  felt  all  that  love,  respect  and  attach 
ment  for  you,  with  which  length  of  years,  close  con 
nexion,  and  your  merits  have  inspired  me.  I  often 
asked  myself,  as  our  carnages  separated,  whether 
that  was  the  last  sight  I  ever  should  have  of  you  ?" 
And  to  this  letter  Lafayette  replied, — 

"  No  my  beloved  General,  our  late  parting  was  not  by  any  means 
a  last  interview.  My  whole  soul  revolts  at  the  idea ;  and  could 
I  harbour  it  an  instant,  indeed,  my  dear  General,  it  would  make  me 
miserable.  I  well  see  you  will  never  go  to  France.  The  inexpres 
sible  pleasure  of  embracing  you  in  my  own  house,  of  welcoming  you 
in  a  family  where  your  name  is  adored,  I  do  not  much  expect  to 
experience  ;  but  to  you  I  shall  return,  and,  within  the  walls  of  Mount 
Vernon,  we  shall  yet  speak  of  olden  times.  My  firm  plan  is  to  visit 
now  and  then  my  friend  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  ;  and  the  most 
beloved  of  all  friends  I  ever  had,  or  ever  shall  have  anywhere,  is  too 
strong  an  inducement  for  me  to  return  to  him,  not  to  think  that 
whenever  it  is  possible  I  shall  renew  my  so  pleasing  visits  to  Mount 
Vernon.  .  .  .  Adieu,  adieu,  my  dear  General.  It  is  with  inexpres 
sible  pain  that  I  feel  I  am  going  to  be  severed  from  you  by  the 
Atlantic.  Everything,  that  admiration,  respect,  gratitude,  friendship, 
and  fillial  love,  can  inspire,  is  combined  in  my  affectionate  heart  to 
devote  me  most  tenderly  to  you.  In  your  friendship  I  find  a  delight 
which  words  cannot  express.  Adieu,  my  dear  General.  It  is  not 
without  emotion  that  I  write  this  word,  although  I  know  I  shall  soon 
visit  you  again.  Be  attentive  to  your  health.  Let  me  hear  from  you 
every  month.  Adieu,  adieu." 

The  correspondence  begged  was  maintained,  but 
Lafayette  complained  that  "  To  one  who  so  tenderly 
loves  you,  who  so  happily  enjoyed  the  times  we  have 

233 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

passed  together,  and  who  never,  on  any  part  of  the 
globe,  even  in  his  own  house,  could  feel  himself  so 
perfectly  at  home  as  in  your  family,  it  must  be  con 
fessed  that  an  irregular,  lengthy  correspondence  is 
quite  insufficient  I  beseech  you,  in  the  name  of 
our  friendship,  of  that  paternal  concern  of  yours  for 
my  happiness,  not  to  miss  any  opportunity  to  let  me 
hear  from  my  dear  General." 

One  letter  from  Washington  told  Lafayette  of  his 
recovery  from  a  serious  illness,  and  Lafayette  re 
sponded,  "  What  could  have  been  my  feelings,  had 
the  news  of  your  illness  reached  me  before  I  knew 
my  beloved  General,  my  adopted  father,  was  out  of 
danger  ?  I  was  struck  at  the  idea  of  the  situation 
you  have  been  in,  while  I,  uninformed  and  so  distant 
from  you,  was  anticipating  the  long-waited-for  pleas 
ure  to  hear  from  you,  and  the  still  more  endearing 
prospect  of  visiting  you  and  presenting  you  the 
tribute  of  a  revolution,  one  of  your  first  offsprings. 
For  God's  sake,  my  dear  General,  take  care  of  your 
health  !" 

Presently,  as  the  French  Revolution  gathered  force, 
the  anxiety  was  reversed,  Washington  writing  that 
"The  lively  interest  which  I  take  in  your  welfare, 
my  dear  Sir,  keeps  my  mind  in  constant  anxiety  for 
your  personal  safety."  This  fear  was  only  too  well 
founded,  for  shortly  after  Lafayette  was  a  captive  in 
an  Austrian  prison  and  his  wife  was  appealing  to  her 
husband's  friend  for  help.  Our  ministers  were  told 
to  do  all  they  could  to  secure  his  liberty,  and  Wash 
ington  wrote  a  personal  letter  to  the  Emperor  of 
Austria.  Before  receiving  her  letter,  on  the  first 

234 


FRIENDS 

news  of  the  "truly  affecting"  condition  of  "poor 
Madame  Lafayette,"  he  had  written  to  her  his  sym 
pathy,  and,  supposing  that  money  was  needed,  had 
deposited  at  Amsterdam  two  hundred  guineas  "  sub 
ject  to  your  orders." 

When  she  and  her  daughters  joined  her  husband 
in  prison,  Lafayette's  son,  and  Washington's  god 
son,  came  to  America  ;  an  arrival  of  which  the  god 
father  wrote  that,  "  to  express  all  the  sensibility, 
which  has  been  excited  in  my  breast  by  the  receipt 
of  young  Lafayette's  letter,  from  the  recollection  of 
his  father's  merits,  services,  and  sufferings,  from  my 
friendship  for  him,  and  from  my  wishes  to  become  a 
friend  and  father  to  his  son  is  unnecessary."  The 
lad  became  a  member  of  the  family,  and  a  visitor  at 
this  time  records  that  "  I  was  particularly  struck  with 
the  marks  of  affection  which  the  General  showed 
his  pupil,  his  adopted  son  of  Marquis  de  Lafayette. 
Seated  opposite  to  him,  he  looked  at  him  with 
pleasure,  and  listened  to  him  with  manifest  interest." 
With  Washington  he  continued  till  the  final  release 
of  his  father,  and  a  simple  business  note  in  Washing 
ton's  ledger  serves  to  show  both  his  delicacy  and 
his  generosity  to  the  boy  :  "  By  Geo.  W.  Fayette, 
gave  for  the  purpose  of  his  getting  himself  such 
small  articles  of  Clothing  as  he  might  not  choose  to 
ask  for  $100."  Another  item  in  the  accounts  was 
three  hundred  dollars  "to  defray  his  exps.  to  France," 
and  by  him  Washington  sent  a  line  to  his  old  friend, 
saying,  "  this  letter  I  hope  and  expect  will  be  pre 
sented  to  you  by  your  son,  who  is  highly  deserving 
of  such  parents  as  you  and  your  amiable  lady." 

235 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Long  previous  to  this,  too,  a  letter  had  been  sent  to 
Virginia  Lafayette,  couched  in  the  following  terms  : 

"Permit  me  to  thank  my  dear  little  correspondent  for  the  favor 
of  her  letter  of  the  18  of  June  last,  and  to  impress  her  with  the 
idea  of  the  pleasure  I  shall  derive  from  a  continuance  of  them. 
Her  papa  is  restored  to  her  with  all  the  good  health,  paternal  affec 
tion,  and  honors,  which  her  tender  heart  could  wish.  He  will  carry 
a  kiss  to  her  from  me  (which  might  be  more  agreeable  from  a  pretty 
boy),  and  give  her  assurances  of  the  affectionate  regard  with  which  I 
have  the  pleasure  of  being  her  well-wisher, 

George  Washington." 

In  this  connection  it  is  worth  glancing  at  Wash 
ington's  relations  with  children,  the  more  that  it  has 
been  frequently  asserted  that  he  had  no  liking  for 
them.  As  already  shown,  at  different  times  he 
adopted  or  assumed  the  expenses  and  charge  of  not 
less  than  nine  of  the  children  of  his  kith  and  kin, 
and  to  his  relations  with  children  he  seldom  wrote  a 
letter  without  a  line  about  the  "little  ones."  His 
kindnesses  to  the  sons  of  Ramsay,  Craik,  Greene,  and 
Lafayette  have  already  been  noticed.  Furthermore, 
whenever  death  or  illness  came  among  the  children 
of  his  friends  there  was  sympathy  expressed.  Dumas 
relates  of  his  visit  to  Providence  with  Washington, 
that  "  we  arrived  there  at  night ;  the  whole  of  the 
population  had  assembled  from  the  suburbs ;  we 
were  surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  children  carrying 
torches,  reiterating  the  acclamations  of  the  citizens ; 
all  were  eager  to  approach  the  person  of  him  whom 
they  called  their  father,  and  pressed  so  closely  around 
us  that  they  hindered  us  from  proceeding.  General 
Washington  was  much  affected,  stopped  a  few 

236 


FRIENDS 

moments,  and,  pressing  my  hand,  said,  'We  may 
be  beaten  by  the  English ;  it  is  the  chance  of 
war ;  but  behold  an  army  which  they  can  never 
conquer.' ' 

In  his  journey  through  New  England,  not  being 
able  to  get  lodgings  at  an  inn,  Washington  spent  a 
night  in  a  private  house,  and  when  all  payment  was 
refused,  he  wrote  his  host  from  his  next  stopping- 
place, — 

'*  Being  informed  that  you  have  given  my  name  to  one  of  your 
sons,  and  called  another  after  Mrs.  Washington's  family,  and  being 
moreover  very  much  pleased  with  the  modest  and  innocent  looks  of 
your  two  daughters,  Patty  and  Polly,  I  do  for  these  reasons  send 
each  of  these  girls  a  piece  of  chintz ;  and  to  Patty,  who  bears  the 
name  of  Mrs.  Washington,  and  who  waited  upon  us  more  than  Polly 
did,  I  send  five  guineas,  with  which  she  may  buy  herself  any  little 
ornaments  she  may  want,  or  she  may  dispose  of  them  in  any  other 
manner  more  agreeable  to  herself.  As  I  do  not  give  these  things 
with  a  view  to  have  it  talked  of,  or  even  of  its  being  known,  the  less 
there  is  said  about  the  matter  the  better  you  will  please  me  ;  but, 
that  I  may  be  sure  the  chintz  and  money  have  got  safe  to  hand,  let 
Patty,  who  I  dare  say  is  equal  to  it,  write  me  a  line  informing  me 
thereof,  directed  to  'The  President  of  the  United  States  at  New 
York."1 

Miss  Stuart  relates  that  "  One  morning  while  Mr. 
Washington  was  sitting  tor  his  picture,  a  little  brother 
of  mine  ran  into  the  room,  when  my  father  thinking 
it  would  annoy  the  General,  told  him  he  must  leave  ; 
but  the  General  took  him  upon  his  knee,  held  him 
for  some  time,  and  had  quite  a  little  chat  with  him, 
and,  in  fact,  they  seemed  to  be  pleased  with  each 
other.  My  brother  remembered  with  pride,  as 
long  as  he  lived,  that  Washington  had  talked  with 
him," 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

For  the  son  of  his  secretary,  Lear,  there  seems  to 
have  been  great  fondness,  and  in  one  instance  the 
father  was  told  that  "  It  gave  Mrs.  Washington,  my^ 
self  and  all  who  know  him,  sincere  pleasure  to  hear 
that  our  little  favorite  had  arrived  safe,  and  was  in 
good  health  at  Portsmouth.  We  sincerely  wish  him 
a  long  continuance  of  the  latter — that  he  may  always 
be  as  charming  and  promising  as  he  now  is — and 
that  he  may  live  to  be  a  comfort  and  blessing  to  you, 
and  an  ornament  to  his  country.  As  a  testimony  of 
my  affection  for  him  I  send  him  a  ticket  in  the  lottery 
which  is  now  drawing  in  the  Federal  City ;  and  if  it 
should  be  his  fortune  to  draw  the  hotel  it  will  add  to 
the  pleasure  I  have  in  giving  it."  A  second  letter 
condoled  with  "little  Lincoln,"  because  owing  to 
the  collapse  of  the  lottery  the  "  poor  little  fellow" 
will  not  even  get  enough  to  "  build  him  a  baby 
house." 

For  the  father,  Tobias  Lear,  who  came  into  his 
employment  in  1786  and  remained  with  him  till  his 
death,  Washington  felt  the  greatest  affection  and 
trust.  It  was  he  who  sent  for  the  doctor  in  the 
beginning  of  the  last  illness,  and  he  was  in  the  sick 
room  most  of  the  time.  Holding  Washington's 
hand,  he  received  from  him  his  last  orders,  and  later 
when  Washington  "appeared  to  be  in  great  pain 
and  distress  from  the  difficulty  of  breathing  ...  I 
lay  upon  the  bed  and  endeavored  to  raise  him,  and 
turn  him  with  as  much  ease  as  possible.  He  ap 
peared  penetrated  with  gratitude  for  my  attentions, 
and  often  said  '  I  am  afraid  I  shall  fatigue  you  too 
much.''  Still  later  Lear  "aided  him  all  in  my 
.  238 


FRIENDS 

power,  and  was  gratified  in  believing  he  felt  it ;  for 
he  would  look  upon  me  with  eyes  speaking  gratitude, 
but  unable  to  utter  a  word  without  great  distress." 
At  the  final  moment  Lear  took  his  hand  "  and  laid 
it  upon  his  breast."  When  all  was  over,  "  I  kissed 
the  cold  hand,  laid  ic  down,  and  was  .  .  .  lost  in 
profound  grief." 


ENEMIES 

ANY  man  of  force  is  to  be  known  quite  as  much 
by  the  character  of  his  enemies  as  by  that  of  his 
friends,  and  this  is  true  of  Washington.  The  sub 
ject  offers  some  difficulties,  for  most  of  his  ene 
mies  later  in  life  went  out  of  their  way  to  deny  all 
antagonism,  and  took  pains  to  destroy  such  proof 
as  they  could  come  at  of  ill-feeling  towards  him. 
Yet  enough  remains  to  show  who  were  in  opposition 
to  him,  and  on  what  grounds. 

The  first  of  those  now  known  to  be  opposed  to 
him  was  George  Muse,  lieutenant-colonel  in  1754 
under  Washington.  At  Fort  Necessity  he  was  guilty 
of  cowardice,  he  was  discharged  in  disgrace,  and 
his  name  was  omitted  from  the  Assembly's  vote  of 
thanks  to  the  regiment.  Stung  by  this  action,  he 
took  his  revenge  in  a  manner  related  by  Peyroney, 
who  wrote  Washington, — 

"  Many  enquired  to  me  about  Muse's  Braveries,  poor  Body  I  had 
pity  him  ha'nt  he  had  the  weakness  to  Confes  his  Coardise  himself, 
&  the  impudence  to  taxe  all  the  reste  of  the  oficers  without  exception 
of  the  same  imperfection  for  he  said  to  many  of  the  Consulars  and 
Burgeses  that  he  was  Bad  But  th'  the  reste  was  as  Bad  as  he — To 
speak  francly,  had  I  been  in  town  at  that  time  I  cou'nt  help'd  to 
make  use  of  my  horses  [whip]  whereas  for  to  vindicate  the  injury  of 
that  vilain.  He  Contrived  his  Business  so  that  several  ask  me  if  it 
was  true  that  he  had  Challeng'd  you  to  fight :  My  Answer  was  no 

240 


ENEMIES 

other  But  that  he  should  rather  chuse  to  go  to  hell  than  doing  of  it 
— for  he  had  Such  thing  declar'd  :  that  was  his  Sure  Road." 

Washington  seems  to  have  cherished  no  personal 
ill-will  for  Muse's  conduct,  and  when  the  division  of 
the  ''bounty  lands"  was  being  pushed,  he  used  his 
influence  that  the  broken  officer  should  receive  a 
quotum.  Not  knowing  this,  or  else  being  ungrate 
ful,  Muse  seems  to  have  written  a  letter  to  Washing 
ton  which  angered  him,  for  he  replied, — 

"Sir,  Your  impertinent  letter  was  delivered  to  me  yesterday.  As 
I  am  not  accustomed  to  receive  such  from  any  man,  nor  would  have 
taken  the  same  language  from  you  personally,  without  letting  you 
feel  some  marks  of  my  resentment,  I  would  advise  you  to  be  cautious 
in  writing  me  a  second  of  the  same  tenor.  But  for  your  stupidity 
and  sottishness  you  might  have  known,  by  attending  to  the  public 
gazette,  that  you  had  your  full  quantity  of  ten  thousand  acres  of  land 
allowed  you,  that  is,  nine  thousand  and  seventy- three  acres  in  the 
great  tract,  and  the  remainder  in  the  small  tract.  But  suppose  you 
had  really  fallen  short,  do  you  think  your  superlative  merit  entitles 
you  to  greater  indulgence  than  others  ?  Or,  if  it  did,  that  I  was  to 
make  it  good  to  you,  when  it  was  at  the  option  of  the  Governor  and 
Council  to  allow  but  five  hundred  acres  in  the  whole,  if  they  had 
been  so  inclined?  If  either  of  these  should  happen  to  be  your 
opinion,  I  am  very  well  convinced  that  you  will  be  singular  in  it ; 
and  all  my  concern  is,  that  I  ever  engaged  in  behalf  of  so  ungrateful 
a  fellow  as  you  are.  But  you  may  still  be  in  need  of  my  assistance, 
as  I  can  inform  you,  that  your  affairs,  in  respect  to  these  lands,  do 
not  stand  upon  so  solid  a  basis  as  you  imagine,  and  this  you  may  take 
by  way  of  hint.  I  wrote  to  you  a  few  days  ago  concerning  the  other 
distribution,  proposing  an  easy  method  of  dividing  our  lands  ;  but 
since  I  find  in  what  temper  you  are,  I  am  sorry  I  took  the  trouble 
of  mentioning  the  land  or  your  name  in  a  letter,  as  I  do  not  think 
you  merit  the  least  assistance  from  me." 

The  Braddock  campaign  brought  acquaintance 
with  one  which  did  not  end  in  friendship,  however 

16  241 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

amicable  the  beginning.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  there  was  cameraderie  with  the  then  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Gage,  for  in  1773,  when  in  New  York  for 
four  days,  Washington  "  Dined  with  Gen.  Gage," 
and  also  "  dined  at  the  entertainment  given  by  the 
citizens  of  New  York  to  Genl.  Gage."  When  next 
intercourse  was  resumed,  it  was  by  formal  corre 
spondence  between  the  commanders-in-chief  of  two 
hostile  armies,  Washington  inquiring  as  to  the  treat 
ment  of  prisoners,  and  as  a  satisfactory  reply  was 
not  obtained,  he  wrote  again,  threatening  retaliation, 
and  "  closing  my  correspondence  with  you,  perhaps 
forever," — a  letter  which  Charles  Lee  thought  "a 
very  good  one,  but  Gage  certainly  deserved  a 
stronger  one,  such  as  it  was  before  it  was  softened." 
One  cannot  but  wonder  what  part  the  old  friendship 
played  in  this  "  softening." 

Relations  with  the  Howes  began  badly  by  a  letter 
from  Lord  Howe  addressed  "George  Washington, 
Esq.,"  which  Washington  declined  to  receive  as 
not  recognizing  his  official  position.  A  second  one 
to  "  George  Washington,  Esq.  &c.  &c.  &c."  met 
with  the  same  fate,  and  brought  the  British  officer 
"  to  change  my  superscription."  A  little  after  this 
brief  war  of  forms,  a  letter  from  Washington  to  his 
wife  was  intercepted  with  others  by  the  enemy,  and 
General  Howe  enclosed  it,  "  happy  to  return  it  with 
out  the  least  attempt  being  made  to  discover  any 
part  of  the  contents."  This  courtesy  the  American 
commander  presently  was  able  to  reciprocate  by 
sending  "General  Washington's  compliments  to 
General  Howe, — does  himself  the  pleasure  to  return 

242 


ENEMIES 

to  him  a  dog,  which  accidentally  fell  into  his  hands, 
and,  by  the  inscription  on  the  collar,  appears  to  be 
long  to  General  Howe."  Even  politeness  had  its 
objections,  however,  at  moments,  and  Washington 
once  had  to  write  Sir  William, — 

"There  is  one  passage  o.-  your  letter,  which  I  cannot  forbear 
taking  particular  notice  of.  No  expression  of  personal  politeness 
to  me  can  be  acceptable,  accompanied  by  reflections  on  the  repre 
sentatives  of  a  free  people,  under  whose  authority  I  have  the  honor 
to  act.  The  delicacy  I  have  observed,  in  refraining  from  everything 
offensive  in  this  way,  entitles  me  to  expect  a  similar  treatment  from 
you.  I  have  not  indulged  myself  in  invective  against  the  present 
rulers  of  Great  Britain,  in  the  course  of  our  correspondence,  nor 
will  I  even  now  avail  myself  of  so  fruitful  a  theme." 

Apparently  when  Sir  Henry  Clinton  succeeded  to 
the  command  of  the  British  army  the  same  old  de 
vice  to  insult  the  General  was  again  tried,  for  Dumas 
states  that  Washington  "  received  a  despatch  from 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  addressed  to  'Mr.  Washington.' 
Taking  it  from  the  hands  of  the  flag  of  truce,  and 
seeing  the  direction,  'This  letter,'  said  he,  'is  directed 
to  a  planter  of  the  state  of  Virginia.  I  shall  have 
it  delivered  to  him  after  the  end  of  the  war  ;  till  that 
time  it  shall  not  be  opened.'  A  second  despatch 
was  addressed  to  his  Excellency  General  Washing 
ton."  A  better  lesson  in  courtesy  was  contained  in 
a  letter  from  Washington  to  him,  complaining  of 
"wanton,  unprecedented  and  inhuman  murder," 
which  closed  with  the  following  :  "I  beg  your  Ex 
cellency  to  be  persuaded,  that  it  cannot  be  more 
disagreeable  to  you  to  be  addressed  in  this  language, 
than  it  is  to  me  to  offer  it ;  but  the  subject  requires 
frankness  and  decision." 

243 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Quite  as  firm  was  one  addressed  to  Cornwallis, 
which  read, — 

"It  is  with  infinite  regret,  I  am  again  compelled  to  remonstrate 
against  that  spirit  of  wanton  cruelty,  that  has  in  several  instances 
influenced  the  conduct  of  your  soldiery.  A  recent  exercise  of  it 
towards  an  unhappy  officer  of  ours,  Lieutenant  Harris,  convinces  me, 
that  my  former  representations  on  this  subject  have  been  unavailing. 
That  Gentleman  by  the  fortunes  of  war,  on  Saturday  last  was  thrown 
into  the  hands  of  a  party  of  your  horse,  and  unnecessarily  murdered 
with  the  most  aggravated  circumstances  of  barbarity.  I  wish  not  to 
wound  your  Lordship's  feelings,  by  commenting  on  this  event;  but 
I  think  it  my  duty  to  send  his  mangled  body  to  your  lines  as  an 
undeniable  testimony  of  the  fact,  should  it  be  doubted,  and  as 
the  best  appeal  to  your  humanity  for  the  justice  of  our  complaint." 

A  pleasanter  intercourse  came  with  the  surrender 
of  Yorktown,  after  which  not  merely  were  Cornwallis 
and  his  officers  saved  the  mortification  of  surrender 
ing  their  swords,  but  the  chief  among  them  were 
entertained  at  dinner  by  Washington.  At  this 
meal,  so  a  contemporary  account  states,  "  Rocham- 
beau,  being  asked  for  a  toast,  gave  '  The  United 
States'  Washington  gave  '  The  King  of  France? 
Lord  Cornwallis,  simply  '  The  King ;'  but  Wash 
ington,  putting  that  toast,  added,  '  of  England,' 
and  facetiously,  '  confine  him  there,  P II  drink  him 
a  full  bumper?  filling  his  glass  till  it  ran  over. 
Rochambeau,  with  great  politeness,  was  still  so 
French,  that  he  would  every  now  and  then  be  touch 
ing  on  points  that  were  improper,  and  a  breach  of 
real  politeness.  Washington  often  checked  him, 
and  showed  in  a  more  saturnine  manner,  the  infinite 
esteem  he  had  for  his  gallant  prisoner,  whose  private 
qualities  the  Americans  admired  even  in  a  foe,  that 

244 


MRS.     WASHINGTON 


ENEMIES 

had  so  often  filled  them  with  the  most  cruel  alarms." 
Many  years  later,  when  Cornwallis  was  governor- 
general  of  India,  he  sent  a  verbal  message  to  his  old 
foe,  wishing  "  General  Washington  a  long  enjoyment 
of  tranquility  and  happiness,"  adding  that  for  him 
self  he  "  continued  in  troubled  waters." 

Turning  from  these  public  rather  than  personal 
foes,  a  very  different  type  of  enemies  is  encountered 
in  those  inimical  to  Washington  in  his  own  army. 
Chief  of  these  was  Horatio  Gates,  with  whom  Wash 
ington  had  become  acquainted  in  the  Braddock 
campaign,  and  with  whom  there  was  friendly  inter 
course  from  that  time  until  the  Revolution.  In  1775, 
at  Washington's  express  solicitation,  Gates  was  ap 
pointed  adjutant-  and  brigadier-general,  and  in  a 
letter  thanking  Washington  for  the  favor  he  professed 
to  have  "  the  greatest  respect  for  your  character  and 
the  sincerest  attachment  to  your  person."  Never 
theless,  he  very  early  in  the  war  suggested  that  a 
committee  of  Congress  be  sent  to  camp  to  keep  watch 
on  Washington,  and  as  soon  as  he  was  in  a  separate 
command  he  began  to  curry  favor  with  Congress 
and  scheme  against  his  commander.  This  was  not 
unknown  to  Washington,  who  afterwards  wrote,  "  I 
discovered  very  early  in  the  war  symptoms  of  cold 
ness  &  constraint  in  General  Gates'  behavior  to  me. 
These  increased  as  he  rose  into  greater  conse 
quence." 

When  Burgoyne  capitulated  to  Gates,  he  sent  the 
news  to  Congress  and  not  to  Washington,  and 
though  he  had  no  further  need  for  troops  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  had  sent  him,  he  endeavored  to 

245 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

prevent  their  return  at  a  moment  when  every  man 
was  needed  in  the  main  army.  His  attitude  towards 
Washington  was  so  notorious  that  his  friends  curried 
favor  with  him  by  letters  criticising  the  commander, 
and  when,  by  chance,  the  General  learned  of  the 
contents  of  one  of  these  letters,  and  news  to  that 
effect  reached  the  ears  of  Gates,  he  practically 
charged  Washington  with  having  obtained  his  knowl 
edge  by  dishonorable  means  ;  but  Washington  more 
than  repaid  the  insult,  in  telling  Gates  how  he  had 
learned  of  the  affair,  by  adding  that  he  had  "  con 
sidered  the  information  as  coming  from  yourself, 
and  given  with  a  friendly  view  to  forewarn  and  con 
sequently  forearm  me,  against  a  secret  enemy  .  .  . 
but  in  this,  as  in  other  matters  of  late,  I  have  found 
myself  mistaken."  Driven  to  the  wall,  Gates  wrote 
to  Washington  a  denial  that  the  letter  contained  the 
passage  in  question,  which  was  an  absolute  lie,  and 
this  untruth  typifies  his  character.  Without  ex 
pressing  either  belief  or  disbelief  in  this  denial, 
Washington  replied, — 

"  I  am  as  averse  to  controversy  as  any  man,  and  had  I  not  been 
forced  into  it,  you  never  would  have  had  occasion  to  impute  to  me, 
even  the  shadow  of  disposition  towards  it.  Your  repeatedly  and 
solemnly  disclaiming  any  offensive  views  in  those  matters,  which 
have  been  the  subject  of  our  past  correspondence  makes  me  willing 
to  close  with  the  desire,  you  express,  of  burying  them  hereafter  in 
silence,  and,  as  far  as  future  events  will  permit,  oblivion.  My  temper 
leads  me  to  peace  and  harmony  with  all  men  ;  and  it  is  peculiarly 
my  wish  to  avoid  any  personal  feuds  or  dissentions  with  those  who 
are  embarked  in  the  same  great  national  interest  with  myself;  as 
every  difference  of  this  kind  must  in  its  consequence  be  very 
injurious." 

After  this  affair  subsided,  Washington  said, — 
246 


ENEMIES 

"  I  made  a  point  of  treating  Gen.  Gates  with  all  the  attention  and 
cordiality  in  my  power,  as  well  from  a  sincere  desire  of  harmony,  as 
from  an  unwillingness  to  give  any  cause  of  triumph  among  ourselves. 
I  can  appeal  to  the  world,  and  to  the  whole  army,  whether  I  have 
not  cautiously  avoided  offending  Gen.  Gates  in  any  way.  I  am  sorry 
his  conduct  to  me  has  not  been  equally  generous,  and  that  he  is  con 
tinually  giving  me  fresh  proofs  of  malevolence  and  opposition.  It 
will  not  be  doing  him  injustice  to  say,  that,  besides  the  little  under 
hand  intrigues  which  he  is  frequently  practising,  there  has  hardly 
been  any  great  military  question,  in  which  his  advice  has  been  asked, 
that  it  has  not  been  given  in  an  equivocal  and  designing  manner,  ap 
parently  calculated  to  afford  him  an  opportunity  of  censuring  me,  on 
the  failure  of  whatever  measures  might  be  adopted." 

After  the  defeat  of  Gates  at  Camden,  the  Prince 
de  Broglie  wrote  that  "  I  saw  General  Gates  at  the 
house  of  General  Washington,  with  whom  he  had  had 
a  misunderstanding.  .  .  .  This  interview  excited  the 
curiosity  of  both  armies.  It  passed  with  a  most 
perfect  propriety  on  the  part  of  both  gentlemen. 
Mr.  Washington  treated  Mr.  Gates  with  a  politeness 
which  had  a  frank  and  easy  air,  while  the  other  re 
sponded  with  that  shade  of  respect  which  was  proper 
towards  his  general."  And  how  fair-minded  Wash 
ington  was  is  shown  by  his  refusal  to  interfere  in  an 
army  matter,  because,  "considering  the  delicate  situ 
ation  in  which  I  stand  with  respect  to  General  Gates, 
I  feel  an  unwillingness  to  give  any  opinion  (even  in 
a  confidential  way)  in  a  matter  in  which  he  is  con 
cerned,  lest  my  sentiments  (being  known)  should 
have  unfavorable  interpretations  ascribed  to  them  by 
illiberal  Minds."  Yet  the  friendship  was  never  re 
stored,  and  when  the  two  after  the  war  were  associ 
ated  in  the  Potomac  company,  Washington's  sense 
of  the  old  treachery  was  still  so  keen  that  he  alluded 

247 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

to  the  appointment  of  "  my  bosom  friend  Genl 
G-tes,  who  being  at  Richmond,  contrived  to  edge 
himself  in  to  the  commission." 

Thomas  Conway  was  Washington's  traducer  to 
Gates.  He  was  an  Irish-French  soldier  of  fortune  who 
unfortunately  had  been  made  a  brigadier-general  in 
the  Continental  army.  Having  made  friends  of  the 
New  England  delegates  in  Congress,  it  was  then  pro 
posed  by  them  to  advance  him  to  the  rank  of  major- 
general,  which  Washington  opposed,  on  the  grounds 
that  "his  merit  and  importance  exist  more  in  his 
imagination  than  in  reality."  For  the  moment  this 
was  sufficient  to  prevent  Conway's  promotion,  and 
even  if  he  had  not  before  been  opposed  to  his  com 
mander,  he  now  became  his  bitter  enemy.  To  more 
than  Gates  he  said  or  wrote,  "  A  great  &  good  God 
has  decreed  that  America  shall  be  free,  or  Washing 
ton  and  weak  counsellors  would  have  ruined  her  long 
ago."  Upon  word  of  this  reaching  Washington,  so 
Laurens  tells,  "The  genl  immediately  copied  the 
contents  of  the  paper,  introducing  them  with  'sir,' 
and  concluding  with,  '  I  am  your  humble  servt/  and 
sent  this  copy  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  Genl  Con- 
way.  This  drew  an  answer,  in  which  he  first  at 
tempts  to  deny  the  fact,  and  then  in  a  most  shame 
less  manner,  to  explain  away  the  matter.  The 
perplexity  of  his  style,  and  evident  insincerity  of 
his  compliments,  betray  his  weak  sentiments,  and 
expose  his  guilt." 

Yet,  though  detected,  Conway  complained  to  the 
Continental  Congress  that  Washington  was  not 
treating  him  properly,  and  in  reply  to  an  in- 

348 


ENEMIES 

quiry  from  a  member  the  General  acknowledged 
that, — 

"If  General  Conway  means  by  cool  receptions  mentioned  in  the 
last  paragraph  of  his  letter  of  the  3 1st  ultimo,  that  I  did  not  receive 
him  in  the  language  of  a  warm  and  cordial  friend,  I  readily  confess 
the  charge.  I  did  not,  nor  shall  I  ever,  till  I  am  capable  of  the  arts 
of  dissimulation.  These  I  despise,  and  my  feelings  will  not  permit 
me  to  make  professions  of  friendship  to  the  man  I  deem  my  enemy, 
and  whose  system  of  conduct  forbids  it.  At  the  same  time,  truth 
authorizes  me  to  say,  that  he  was  received  and  treated  with  proper 
respect  to  his  official  character,  and  that  he  has  had  no  cause  to 
justify  the  assertion,  that  he  could  not  expect  any  support  for  fulfilling 
the  duties  of  his  appointment. ' ' 

In  spite  of  Washington's  opposition,  Conway's 
friends  were  numerous  enough  in  the  Congress 
finally  to  elect  him  major-general,  at  the  same  time 
appointing  him  inspector-general.  Elated  with  this 
evident  partiality  of  the  majority  of  that  body  for 
him,  he  went  even  further,  and  Laurens  states  that 
he  was  guilty  of  a  "base  insult"  to  Washington, 
which  "  affects  the  General  very  sensibly,"  and  he 
continues, — 

"It  is  such  an  affront  as  Conway  would  never  have  dared  to  offer, 
if  the  General's  situation  had  not  assured  him  of  the  impossibility 
of  its  being  revenged  in  a  private  way.  The  Genl,  therefore,  has 
determined  to  return  him  no  answer  at  all,  but  to  lay  the  whole 
matter  before  Congress  ;  they  will  determine  whether  Genl  W.  is  to 
be  sacrificed  to  Genl.  C,  for  the  former  can  never  consent  to  be  con- 
cern'd  in  any  transaction  with  the  latter,  from  whom  he  has  received 
such  unpardonable  insults." 

Fortunately,  Conway  did  not  limit  his  "  insulting 
letters"  to  the  commander-in-chief  alone,  and  pres 
ently  he  sent  one  to  Congress  threatening  to  resign, 
which  so  angered  that  body  that  they  took  him  at 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

his  word.  Moreover,  his  open  abuse  of  Washington 
led  an  old-time  friend  of  the  latter  to  challenge  him, 
and  to  lodge  a  ball,  with  almost  poetic  justice,  in 
Conway's  mouth.  Thinking  himself  on  the  point 
of  death,  he  wrote  a  farewell  line  to  Washington 
"expressing  my  sincere  grief  for  having  done,  written 
or  said  anything  disagreeable  to  your  Excellency.  .  .  . 
You  are  in  my  eyes  a  great  and  good  man."  And 
with  this  recantation  he  disappeared  from  the  army. 
A  third  officer  in  this  "  cabal"  was  Thomas  Mifflin. 
He  was  the  first  man  appointed  on  Washington's 
staff  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  but  did  not  long 
remain  in  that  position,  being  promoted  by  Wash 
ington  to  be  quartermaster-general.  In  this  posi, 
tion  the  rumor  reached  the  General  that  Mifflin 
was  "  concerned  in  trade,"  and  Washington  took 
"occasion  to  hint"  the  suspicion  to  him,  only  to  get 
a  denial  from  the  officer.  Whether  this  inquiiy  was 
a  cause  for  ill-feeling  or  not,  Mifflin  was  one  of  the 
most  outspoken  against  the  commander-in-chief  as 
his  opponents  gathered  force,  and  Washington  in 
formed  Henry  that  he  "  bore  the  second  part  in  the 
cabal."  Mifflin  resigned  from  the  army  and  took  a 
position  on  the  board  of  war,  but  when  the  influence 
of  that  body  broke  down  with  the  collapse  of  the 
Cabal,  he  applied  for  a  reappointment, — a  coucse  de 
scribed  by  Washington  in  plain  English  as  follows : 


"  I  was  not  a  little  surprised  to  find  a  certain  gentleman,  who, 
some  time  ago  (when  a  cloud  of  darkness  hung  heavy  over  us,  and 
our  affairs  looked  gloomy,)  was  desirous  of  resigning,  now  stepping 
forward  in  the  line  of  the  army.  But  if  he  can  reconcile  such  con 
duct  to  his  own  feelings,  as  an  officer  and  a  man  of  honor,  and  Con- 

2*0 


ENEMIES 

gress  hath  no  objections  to  his  leaving  his  seat  in  another  department, 
I  have  nothing  personally  to  oppose  it.  Yet  I  must  think,  that  gen 
tleman's  stepping  in  and  out,  as  the  sun  happens  to  beam  forth  or 
obscure,  is  not  quite  the  thing,  nor  quite  just,  with  respect  to  those 
officers,  who  take  ye  bitter  with  the  sweet. ' ' 

Not  long  after  Greene  wrote  that  "  I  learn  that 
General  Mifflin  has  publicly  declared  that  he  looked 
upon  his  Excellency  as  the  best  friend  he  ever  had 
in  his  life,  so  that  is  a  plain  sign  that  the  Junto  has 
given  up  all  ideas  of  supplanting  our  excellent  gen 
eral  from  a  confidence  of  the  impracticability  of  such 
an  attempt" 

A  very  minor  but  most  malignant  enemy  was  Dr. 
Benjamin  Rush.  In  1774  Washington  dined  with 
him  in  Philadelphia,  which  implied  friendship.  Very 
early  in  the  war,  however,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
remove  the  director-general  of  hospitals,  in  which,  so 
John  Armstrong  claimed,  "  Morgan  was  the  osten 
sible — Rush  the  real  prosecutor  of  Shippen — the 
former  acting  from  revenge,  ...  the  latter  from  a 
desire  to  obtain  the  directorship.  In  approving  the 
sentence  of  the  court,  Washington  stigmatized  the 
prosecution  as  one  originating  in  bad  motives,  which 
made  Rush  his  enemy  and  defamer  as  long  as  he 
lived."  Certain  it  is  he  wrote  savage  letters  of  criti 
cism  about  his  commander-in-chief,  of  which  the 
following  extract  is  a  sample  : 

"  I  have  heard  several  officers  who  have  served  under  General 
Gates  compare  his  army  to  a  well  regulated  family.  The  same  gen 
tlemen  have  compared  Gen'l  Washington's  imitation  of  an  army  to 
an  unformed  mob.  Look  at  the  characters  of  both  !  The  one  on 
the  pinnacle  of  military  glory — exulting  in  the  success  of  schemes 
planned  with  wisdom,  &  executed  with  vigor  and  bravery — and 

251 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

above  all  see  a  country  saved  by  his  exertions.  See  the  other  outgen- 
eral'd  and  twice  beated — obliged  to  witness  the  march  of  a  body  of 
men  only  half  their  number  thro'  140  Miles  of  a  thick  settled  coun 
try — forced  to  give  up  a  city  the  capitol  of  a  state  &  after  all  out 
witted  by  the  same  army  in  a  retreat. ' ' 


Had  Rush  written  only  this,  there  would  be  no 
grounds  for  questioning  his  methods  ;  but,  not  con 
tent  with  spreading  his  opinions  among  his  friends, 
he  took  to  anonymous  letter-writing,  and  sent  an 
unsigned  letter  abusing  Washington  to  the  governor 
of  Virginia  (and  probably  to  others),  with  the  re 
quest  that  the  letter  should  be  burned.  Instead  of 
this,  Henry  sent  it  to  Washington,  who  recognized 
at  once  the  handwriting,  and  wrote  to  Henry  that 
Rush  "  has  been  elaborate  and  studied  in  his  profes 
sions  of  regard  to  me,  and  long  since  the  letter  to 
you."  An  amusing  sequel  to  this  incident  is  to 
be  found  in  Rush  moving  heaven  and  earth  on  the 
publication  of  Marshall's  "Life  of  Washington"  to 
prevent  his  name  from  appearing  as  one  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief's  enemies. 

After  the  collapse  of  the  attempt  Washington 
wrote  to  a  friend,  "  I  thank  you  sincerely  for  the 
part  you  acted  at  York  respecting  C — y,  and  believe 
with  you  that  matters  have  and  will  turn  out  very 
different  to  what  that  party  expected.  G — s  has 
involved  himself  in  his  letters  to  me  in  the  most 
absurd  contradictions.  M —  has  brought  himself 
into  a  scrape  that  he  does  not  know  how  to  get  out 
of  with  a  gentleman  of  this  State,  and  C — ,  as  you 
know  is  sent  upon  an  expedition  which  all  the 
world  knew,  and  the  event  has  proved,  was  not 

252 


ENEMIES 

practicable.  In  a  word,  I  have  a  good  deal  of  reason 
to  believe  that  the  machination  of  this  junta  will 
recoil  upon  their  own  heads,  and  be  a  means  of 
bringing  some  matters  to  light  which,  by  getting  me 
out  of  the  way,  some  of  them  thought  to  conceal." 

Undoubtedly  the  most  serious  army  antagonist 
was  General  Charles  Lee,  and,  but  for  what  seem 
almost  fatalistic  chances,  he  would  have  been  a 
dangerous  rival.  He  was  second  in  command  very 
early  in  the  war,  and  at  this  time  he  asserted  that 
"  no  man  loves,  respects  and  reverences  another 
more  than  I  do  General  Washington.  I  esteem  his 
virtues,  private  and  public.  I  know  him  to  be  a 
man  of  sense,  courage  and  firmness."  But  four 
months  later  he  was  lamenting  Washington's  "  fatal 
indecision,"  and  by  inference  was  calling  him  "a 
blunderer."  In  another  month  he  wrote,  "  entre 
nous  a  certain  great  man  is  most  damnably  deficient." 
At  this  point,  fortunately,  Lee  was  captured  by  the 
British,  so  that  his  influence  for  the  time  being  was 
destroyed.  While  a  prisoner  he  drew  up  a  plan 
for  the  English  general,  showing  how  America  could 
be  conquered. 

When  he  had  been  exchanged,  and  led  the 
American  advance  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  he 
seems  to  have  endeavored  to  aid  the  British  in  an 
other  way,  for  after  barely  engaging,  he  ordered  a 
retreat,  which  quickly  developed  into  a  rout,  and 
would  have  ended  in  a  serious  defeat  had  not,  as 
Laurens  wrote,  "  fortunately  for  the  honor  of  the 
army,  and  the  welfare  of  America,  Genl  Washington 
met  the  troops  retreating  in  disorder,  and  without 

253 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

any  plan  to  make  an  opposition.  He  ordered  some 
pieces  of  artillery  to  be  brought  up  to  defend  the 
pass,  and  some  troops  to  form  and  defend  the  pieces. 
The  artillery  was  too  distant  to  be  brought  up 
readily,  so  that  there  was  but  little  opposition  given 
here.  A  few  shot  though,  and  a  little  skirmishing 
in  the  wood  checked  the  enemy's  career.  The 
Genl  expressed  his  astonishment  at  this  unaccount 
able  retreat.  Mr.  Lee  indecently  replied  that  the 
attack  was  contrary  to  his  advice  and  opinion  in 
council." 

In  a  fit  of  temper  Lee  wrote  Washington  two 
imprudent  letters,  expressed  "in  terms  [so]  highly 
improper"  that  he  was  ordered  under  arrest  and 
tried  by  a  court-martial,  which  promptly  found  him 
guilty  of  disobedience  and  disrespect,  as  well  as  of 
making  a  "  disorderly  and  unnecessary  retreat."  To 
this  Lee  retorted,  "  I  aver  that  his  Excellencies  letter 
was  from  beginning  to  the  end  a  most  abominable 
lie — I  aver  that  my  conduct  will  stand  the  strictest 
scrutiny  of  every  military  judge — I  aver  that  my 
Court  Martial  was  a  Court  of  Inquisition — that  there 
was  not  a  single  member  with  a  military  idea — at 
least  if  I  may  pronounce  from  the  different  questions 
they  put  to  the  evidences." 

In  this  connection  it  is  of  interest  to  note  a  letter 
from  Washington's  friend  Mason,  which  said,  "  You 
express  a  fear  that  General  Lee  will  challenge  our 
friend.  Indulge  in  no  such  apprehensions,  for  he 
too  well  knows  the  sentiments  of  General  Washing 
ton  on  the  subject  of  duelling.  From  his  earliest 

manhood  I  have  heard  him  express  his  contempt  of 

254 


ENEMIES 

the  man  who  sends  and  the  man  who  accepts  a 
challenge,  for  he  regards  such  acts  as  no  proof  of 
moral  courage  ;  and  the  practice  he  abhors  as  a  relic 
of  old  barbarisms,  repugnant  alike  to  sound  morality 
and  Christian  enlightenment" 

A  little  later,  still  smarting  from  this  court-martial, 
Lee  wrote  to  a  newspaper  a  savage  attack  on  his  late 
commander,  apparently  in  the  belief,  as  he  said  in  a 
private  letter,  that  "  there  is  ...  a  visible  revolution 
...  in  the  minds  of  men,  I  mean  that  our  Great 
Gargantua,  or  Lama  Babak  (for  I  know  not  which 
Title  is  the  properest)  begins  to  be  no  longer  con 
sider' d  as  an  infallible  Divinity — and  that  those  who 
have  been  sacrific'd  or  near  sacrific'd  on  his  altar, 
begin  to  be  esteem'd  as  wantonly  and  foolishly 
offer' d  up."  Lee  very  quickly  found  his  mistake, 
for  the  editor  of  the  paper  which  contained  his 
attack  was  compelled  by  a  committee  of  citizens  to 
publish  an  acknowledgment  that  in  printing  it  "I 
have  transgressed  against  truth,  justice  and  my  duty 
as  a  good  citizen,"  and,  as  Washington  wrote  to  a 
friend,  "the  author  of  the  Queries,  *  Political  and 
Military,'  has  had  no  cause  to  exult  in  the  favorable 
reception  of  them  by  the  public."  With  Lee's  dis 
appearance  the  last  army  rival  dropped  from  the 
ranks,  and  from  that  time  there  was  no  question  as  to 
who  should  command  the  armies  of  America.  Long 
after,  a  would-be  editor  of  Lee's  papers  wrote  to 
Washington  to  ask  if  he  had  any  wishes  in  regard 
to  the  publication,  and  was  told  in  the  reply  that, — 

"I  never  had  a  difference  with  that  gentleman,  but  on  public 
ground,  and  my  conduct  towards  him  upon  this  occasion  was  such 

255 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

only,  as  I  conceived  myself  indispensably  bound  to  adopt  in  dis 
charge  of  the  public  trust  reposed  in  me.  If  this  produced  in 
him  unfavorable  sentiments  of  me,  I  yet  can  never  consider  the 
conduct  I  pursued,  with  respect  to  him,  either  wrong  or  improper, 
however  I  may  regret  that  it  may  have  been  differently  viewed  by 
him,  and  that  it  excited  his  censure  and  animadversions.  Should 
there  appear  in  General  Lee's  writings  any  thing  injurious  or  un 
friendly  to  me,  the  impartial  and  dispassionate  world  must  decide 
how  far  I  deserved  it  from  the  general  tenor  of  my  conduct." 


These  attempts  to  undermine  Washington  owed 
their  real  vitality  to  the  Continental  Congress,  and  it 
is  safe  to  say  that  but  for  Washington's  political  ene 
mies  no  army  rival  would  have  ventured  to  push  for 
ward.  In  what  the  opposition  in  that  body  consisted, 
and  to  what  length  it  went,  are  discussed  elsewhere, 
but  a  glance  at  the  reasons  of  hostility  to  him  is 
proper  here. 

John  Adams  declared  himself  "sick  of  the  Fabian 
systems,"  and  in  writing  of  the  thanksgiving  for  the 
Saratoga  Convention,  he  said  that  "  one  cause  of  it 
ought  to  be  that  the  glory  of  turning  the  tide  of 
arms  is  not  immediately  due  to  the  commander-in- 
chief.  ...  If  it  had,  idolatry  and  adulation  would 
have  been  unbounded."  James  Lovell  asserted  that 
"  Our  affairs  are  Fabiused  into  a  very  disagreeable 
posture,"  and  wrote  that  "depend  upon  it  for  every 
ten  soldiers  placed  under  the  command  of  our  Fa- 
bius,  five  recruits  will  be  wanted  annually  during  the 
war."  William  Williams  agreed  with  Jonathan  Trum- 
bull  that  the  time  had  come  when  "  a  much  exalted 
character  should  make  way  for  a  general"  and  sug 
gested  if  this  was  not  done  "  voluntarily,"  those  to 
whom  the  public  looked  should  "see  to  it."  Abraham 

256 


ENEMIES 

Clark  thought  "we  may  talk  of  the  Enemy's  Cruelty 
as  we  will,  but  we  have  no  greater  Cruelty  to  com 
plain  of  than  the  Management  of  our  Army."  Jona 
than  D.  Sargent  asserted  that  "we  want  a  general — 
thousands  of  Lives  &  Millions  of  Property  are  yearly 
sacrificed  to  the  Insufficiency  of  our  Commander-in- 
Chief — Two  Battles  he  has  lost  for  us  by  two  such 
Blunders  as  might  have  disgraced  a  Soldier  of  three 
months  standing,  and  yet  we  are  so  attached  to  this 
Man  that  I  fear  we  shall  rather  sink  with  him  than 
throw  him  off  our  Shoulders.  And  sink  we  must 
under  his  Management.  Such  Feebleness,  &  Want 
of  Authority,  such  Confusion  &  Want  of  Discipline, 
such  Waste,  such  destruction  would  exhaust  the 
Wealth  of  both  the  Indies  &  annihilate  the  armies 
of  all  Europe  and  Asia."  Richard  Henry  Lee 
agreed  with  Mifflin  that  Gates  was  needed  to  "  pro 
cure  the  indispensable  changes  in  our  Army."  Other 
Congressmen  who  were  inimical  to  Washington,  either 
by  openly  expressed  opinion  or  by  vote,  were  El- 
bridge  Gerry,  Samuel  Adams,  William  Ellery,  Eliph- 
alet  Dyer,  Roger  Sherman,  Samuel  Chase,  and  F. 
L.  Lee.  Later,  when  Washington's  position  was 
more  secure,  Gerry  and  R.  H.  Lee  wrote  to  him 
affirming  their  friendship,  and  to  both  \ne  General 
replied  without  a  suggestion  of  ill-feeling,  nor  does 
he  seem,  in  later  life,  to  have  felt  a  trace  of  personal 
animosity  towards  any  one  of  the  men  who  had  been 
in  opposition  to  him  in  Congress.  Of  this  enmity 
in  the  army  and  Congress  Washington  wrote, — 

"It  is  easy  to  bear  the  first,  and  even  the  devices  of  private  ene 
mies  whose  ill  will  only  arises  from  their  common  hatred  to  the  cause 
iy  257 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

we  are  engaged  in,  are  to  me  tolerable  ;  yet,  I  confess,  I  cannot  help 
feeling  the  most  painful  sensations,  whenever  I  have  reason  to  be 
lieve  I  am  the  object  of  persecution  to  men,  who  are  embarked  in 
the  same  general  interest,  and  whose  friendship  my  heart  does  not 
reproach  me  with  ever  having  done  any  thing  to  forfeit.  But  with 
many,  it  is  a  sufficient  cause  to  hate  and  wish  the  ruin  of  a  man,  be 
cause  he  has  been  happy  enough  to  be  the  object  of  his  country^  s 
favor. ' ' 

The  political  course  of  Washington  while  Presi 
dent  produced  the  alienation  of  the  two  Virginians 
whom  he  most  closely  associated  with  himself  in  the 
early  part  of  his  administration.  With  Madison  the 
break  does  not  seem  to  have  come  from  any  positive 
ill-feeling,  but  was  rather  an  abandonment  of  inter 
course  as  the  differences  of  opinion  became  more 
pronounced.  The  disagreement  with  Jefferson  was 
more  acute,  though  probably  never  forced  to  an 
open  rupture.  To  his  political  friends  Jefferson  in 
1796  wrote  that  the  measures  pursued  by  the  ad 
ministration  were  carried  out  "  under  the  sanction 
of  a  name  which  has  done  too  much  good  not  to  be 
sufficient  to  cover  harm  also,"  and  that  he  hoped 
the  President's  "  honesty  and  his  political  errors  may 
not  furnish  a  second  occasion  to  exclaim,  '  curse  on 
his  virtues,  they've  undone  his  country.' "  Henry 
Lee  warned  Washington  of  the  undercurrent  of 
criticism,  and  when  Jefferson  heard  indirectly  of  this 
he  wrote  his  former  chief  that  "  I  learn  that  [Lee] 
has  thought  it  worth  his  while  to  try  to  sow  tares 
between  you  and  me,  by  representing  me  as  still  en 
gaged  in  the  bustle  of  politics  &  in  turbulence  & 
intrigue  against  the  government.  I  never  believed 
for  a  moment  that  this  could  make  any  impression 

258 


ENEMIES 

on  you,  or  that  your  knowledge  of  me  would  not 
overweigh  the  slander  of  an  intriguer  dirtily  em 
ployed  in  sifting  the  conversations  of  my  table." 
To  this  Washington  replied, — 

"As  you  have  mentioned  the  subject  yourself,  it  would  not  be 
frank,  candid  or  friendly  to  conceal,  that  your  conduct  has  been  rep 
resented  as  derogating  from  that  opinion  /  had  conceived  you  enter 
tained  of  me  ;  that,  to  your  particular  friends  and  connexions  you 
have  described,  and  they  have  denounced  me  as  a  person  under  a 
dangerous  influence  ;  and  that,  if  I  would  listen  more  to  some  other 
opinions,  all  would  be  well.  My  answer  invariably  has  been,  that  I 
had  never  discovered  any  thing  in  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to 
raise  suspicions  in  my  mind  of  his  insincerity ;  that,  if  he  would  re 
trace  my  public  conduct  while  he  was  in  the  administration,  abundant 
proofs  would  occur  to  him,  that  truth  and  right  decisions  were  the  sole 
objects  of  my  pursuit ;  that  there  was  as  many  instances  within  his 
own  knowledge  of  my  having  decided  against  as  in  favor  of  the 
opinions  of  the  person  evidently  alluded  to  ;  and,  I  was  no  believer 
in  the  infallibility  of  the  politics  or  measures  of  any  man  living.  In 
short  that  I  was  no  party  man  myself,  and  the  first  wish  of  my  heart 
was,  if  parties  did  exist,  to  reconcile  them." 

As  proof  upon  proof  of  Jefferson's  secret  enmity 
accumulated,  Washington  ceased  to  trust  his  dis 
claimers,  and  finally  wrote  to  one  of  his  informants, 
"  Nothing  short  of  the  evidence  you  have  adduced, 
corroborative  of  intimations  which  I  had  received 
long  before  through  another  channel,  could  have 
shaken  my  belief  in  the  sincerity  of  a  friendship, 
which  I  had  conceived  as  possessed  for  me  by  the 
person  to  whom  you  allude.  But  attempts  to  injure 
those,  who  are  supposed  to  stand  well  in  the  estima 
tion  of  the  people,  and  are  stumbling  blocks  in 
the  way,  by  misrepresenting  their  political  tenets, 
thereby  to  destroy  all  confidence  in  them,  are  among 

259 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

the  means  by  which  the  government  is  to  be  assailed, 
and  the  constitution  destroyed." 

Once  convinced,  all  relations  with  Jefferson  were 
terminated.  It  is  interesting  in  this  connection  to 
note  something  repeated  by  Madison,  to  the  effect 
that  "  General  Lafayette  related  to  me  the  following 
anecdote,  which  I  shall  repeat  as  nearly  as  I  can  in 
his  own  words.  'When  I  last  saw  Mr.  Jefferson,'  he 
observed,  '  we  conversed  a  good  deal  about  General 
Washington,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  expressed  high  ad 
miration  of  his  character.  He  remarked  particularly 
that  he  and  Hamilton  often  disagreed  when  they 
were  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  that  General 
Washington  would  sometimes  favor  the  opinion  of 
one  and  sometimes  the  other,  with  an  apparent  strict 
impartiality.  And  Mr.  Jefferson  added  that,  so  sound 
was  Washington's  judgment,  that  he  was  commonly 
convinced  afterwards  of  the  accuracy  of  his  decision, 
whether  it  accorded  with  the  opinion  he  had  him 
self  first  advanced  or  not."' 

A  third  Virginian  who  was  almost  as  closely  asso 
ciated  was  Edmund  Randolph.  There  had  been  a 
friendship  with  his  father,  until  he  turned  Tory  and 
went  to  England,  when,  according  to  Washington's 
belief,  he  wrote  the  "forged  letters"  which  gave 
Washington  so  much  trouble.  For  the  sake  of  the 
old  friendship,  however,  he  gave  the  son  a  position 
on  his  staff,  and  from  that  time  was  his  friend  and 
correspondent  In  the  first  administration  he  was 
made  Attorney-General,  and  when  Jefferson  retired 
from  office  he  became  Secretary  of  State.  In  this 

position  he  was  charged  with  political  dishonesty. 

260 


.^"-- 

SUFFICIENCY 


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•^      ^^^         * 


EARLIEST    SIGNATURE    OF    WASHINGTON 


ENEMIES 

Washington  gave  him  a  chance  to  explain,  but  in 
stead  he  resigned  from  office  and  published  what 
he  called  "  a  vindication,"  in  which  he  charged  the 
President  with  "prejudging,"  "  concealment,"  and 
"want  of  generosity."  Continuing,  he  said,  "nevef 
.  .  .  could  I  have  believed  that  in  addressing  you 
...  I  should  use  any  other  language  than  that  of  a 
friend.  From  my  early  period  of  life,  I  was  taught 
to  esteem  you — as  I  advanced  in  years,  I  was 
habituated  to  revere  you : — you  strengthened  my 
prepossessions  by  marks  of  attention."  And  in  an 
other  place  he  acknowledged  the  weakness  of  his  at 
tack  by  saying,  "still  however,  those  very  objections, 
the  very  reputation  which  you  have  acquired,  will 
cause  it  to  be  asked,  why  you  should  be  suspected 
of  acting  towards  me,  in  any  other  manner,  than 
deliberately,  justly  and  even  kindly?" 

In  the  preparation  of  this  pamphlet  Randolph 
wrote  the  President  a  letter  which  the  latter  asserted 
was  "full  of  innuendoes,"  and  one  statement  in  the 
pamphlet  he  denounced  as  being  "  as  impudent  and 
insolent  an  assertion  as  it  is  false."  And  his  irritation 
at  this  treatment  from  one  he  had  always  befriended 
gave  rise  to  an  incident,  narrated  by  James  Ross,  at 
a  breakfast  at  the  President's,  when  "  after  a  little 
while  the  Secretary  of  War  came  in,  and  said  to 
Washington,  '  Have  you  seen  Mr.  Randolph's  pam 
phlet?'  'I  have,'  said  Washington,  'and,  by  the 
eternal  God,  he  is  the  damnedest  liar  on  the  face  of 
the  earth  !'  and  as  he  spoke  he  brought  his  fist 
down  upon  the  table  with  all  his  strength,  and  with 
a  violence  which  made  the  cups  and  plates  start  from 

261 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

their  places."  Fortunately,  the  attack  was  ineffec 
tive  ;  indeed,  Hamilton  wrote  that  "  I  consider  it  as 
amounting  to  a  confession  of  guilt ;  and  I  am  per 
suaded  this  will  be  the  universal  opinion.  His  at 
tempts  against  you  are  viewed  by  all  whom  I  have 
seen,  as  base.  They  will  certainly  fail  of  their  aim, 
and  will  do  good  rather  than  harm,  to  the  public 
cause  and  to  yourself.  It  appears  to  me  that,  by 
you,  no  notice  can  be,  or  ought  to  be,  taken  of  the 
publication.  It  contains  its  own  antidote." 

Not  content  with  this  double  giving  up  of  what  to 
any  man  of  honor  was  confidential,  Randolph,  a 
little  later,  rested  under  Washington's  suspicions  of 
a  third  time  breaking  the  seal  of  official  secrecy  by 
sending  a  Cabinet  paper  to  the  newspapers  for  no 
other  purpose  than  to  stir  up  feeling  against  Wash 
ington.  But  after  his  former  patron's  death  regret 
came,  and  Randolph  wrote  to  Bushrod  Washington, 
"  If  I  could  now  present  myself  before  your  vener 
ated  uncle  it  would  be  my  pride  to  confess  my  con 
trition  that  I  suffered  my  irritation,  be  the  cause  what 
it  might,  to  use  some  of  those  expressions  respecting 
him  which,  at  this  moment  ...  I  wish  to  recall  as 
being  inconsistent  with  my  subsequent  convictions." 

Another  type  of  enemy,  more  or  less  the  result 
of  this  differing  with  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe, 
and  Randolph,  was  sundry  editors  and  writers  who 
gathered  under  their  patronage  and  received  aids  of 
money  or  of  secret  information.  One  who  prospered 
for  a  time  by  abusing  Washington  was  Philip 
Freneau.  He  was  a  college  friend  of  Madison's, 
and  was  induced  to  undertake  the  task  by  his  and 

262 


ENEMIES 

Jefferson's  urging,  though  the  latter  denied  this 
later.  As  aid  to  the  undertaking,  Jefferson,  then 
Secretary  of  State,  gave  Freneau  an  office,  and  thus 
produced  the  curious  condition  of  a  clerk  in  the 
government  writing  and  printing  savage  attacks  on 
the  President.  Washington  was  much  irritated  at 
the  abuse,  and  Jefferson  in  his  "  Anas"  said  that  he 
"  was  evidently  sore  &  warm  and  I  took  his  intention 
to  be  that  I  should  interpose  in  some  way  with 
Freneau,  perhaps  withdraw  his  appointment  of  trans 
lating  clerk  to  my  office.  But  I  will  not  do  it." 
According  to  the  French  minister,  some  of  the  worst 
of  these  articles  were  written  by  Jefferson  himself,  and 
Freneau  is  reported  to  have  said,  late  in  life,  that 
many  of  them  were  written  by  the  Secretary  of  State. 
Far  more  indecent  was  the  paper  conducted  by 
Benjamin  Franklin  Bache,  who,  early  in  the  Presi 
dency,  applied  for  a  place  in  the  government,  which 
for  some  reason  not  now  known  was  refused. 
According  to  Cobbett,  who  hated  him,  "  this  .  .  . 
scoundrel  .  .  .  spent  several  years  in  hunting  offices 
under  the  Federal  Government,  and  being  constantly 
rejected,  he  at  last  became  its  most  bitter  foe. 
Hence  his  abuse  of  General  Washington,  whom  at 
the  time  he  was  soliciting  a  place  he  panegyrized  up 
to  the  third  heaven."  Certain  it  is  that  under  his 
editorship  the  General  Advertiser  and  Aurora  took 
the  lead  in  all  criticisms  of  Washington,  and  not 
content  with  these  opportunities  for  daily  and  weekly 
abuse,  Bache  (though  the  fact  that  they  were  for 
geries  was  notorious)  reprinted  the  "spurious  let 
ters  which  issued  from  a  certain  press  in  New  York 

263 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

during  the  war,  with  a  view  to  destroy  the  confi 
dence  which  the  army  and  community  might  have  had 
in  my  political  principles, — and  which  have  lately 
been  republished  with  greater  avidity  and  persever 
ance  than  ever,  by  Mr.  Bache  to  answer  the  same 
nefarious  purpose  with  the  latter,"  and  Washington 
added  that  "  immense  pains  has  been  taken  by  this 
said  Mr.  Bache,  who  is  no  more  than  the  agent  or 
tool  of  those  who  are  endeavoring  to  destroy  the 
confidence  of  the  people,  in  the  officers  of  Govern 
ment  (chosen  by  themselves)  to  disseminate  these 
counterfeit  letters."  In  addition  Bache  wrote  a 
pamphlet,  with  the  avowal  that  "the  design  of  these 
remarks  is  to  prove  the  want  of  claim  in  Mr.  Wash 
ington  either  to  the  gratitude  or  confidence  of  his 
country.  .  .  .  Our  chief  object  ...  is  to  destroy 
undue  impressions  in  favor  of  Mr.  Washington!1 
Accordingly  it  charged  that  Washington  was  "  treactu 
erous,"  "mischievous,"  "inefficient;"  dwelt  upon 
his  "  farce  of  disinterestedness,"  his  "stately  journey- 
ings  through  the  American  continent  in  search  of 
personal  incense,"  his  "ostentatious  professions  of 
piety,"  his  "pusillanimous  neglect,"  his  "little  pas 
sions,"  his  "ingratitude,"  his  "want  of  merit,"  his 
"insignificance,"  and  his  "spurious  fame." 

The  successor  of  Bache  as  editor  of  these  two 
journals,  William  Duane,  came  to  the  office  with  an 
equal  hatred  of  Washington,  having  already  written 
a  savage  pamphlet  against  him.  In  this  the  Presi 
dent  was  charged  with  "treacherous  mazes  of  pas 
sion,"  and  with  having  "discharged  the  loathings  of 
a  sick  mind."  Furthermore  it  asserted  "that  had 

264 


ENEMIES 

you  obtained  promotion  .  .  .  after  Braddock's  de 
feat,  your  sword  would  have  been  drawn  against 
your  country,"  that  Washington  "retained  the  bar 
barous  usages  of  the  feudal  system  and  kept  men 
in  Livery,"  and  that  "  posterity  will  in  vain  search 
for  the  monuments  of  wisdom  in  your  administra 
tion  ;"  the  purpose  of  the  pamphlet,  by  the  author's 
own  statement,  being  "  to  expose  the  Personal 
Idolatry  into  which  we  have  been  heedlessly  run 
ning,"  and  to  show  the  people  the  "fallibility  of  the 
most  favored  of  men." 

A  fourth  in  this  quartet  of  editors  was  the  noto 
rious  James  Thomson  Callender,  whose  publications 
were  numerous,  as  were  also  his  impeachments 
against  Washington.  By  his  own  account,  this 
writer  maintained,  "  Mr.  Washington  has  been  twice 
a  traitor,"  has  "authorized  the  robbery  and  ruin  of 
the  remnants  of  his  own  army,"  has  "broke  the 
constitution,"  and  Callender  fumes  over  "the  vile- 
ness  of  the  adulation  which  has  been  paid"  to  him, 
claiming  that  "  the  extravagant  popularity  possessed 
by  this  citizen  reflects  the  utmost  ridicule  on  the 
discernment  of  America." 

The  bitterest  attack,  however,  was  penned  by 
Thomas  Paine.  For  many  years  there  was  good 
feeling  between  the  two,  and  in  1782,  when  Paine 
was  in  financial  distress,  Washington  used  his  influ 
ence  to  secure  him  a  position  "  out  of  friendship  for 
me,"  as  Paine  acknowledged.  Furthermore,  Wash 
ington  tried  to  get  the  Virginia  Legislature  to  pension 
Paine  or  give  him  a  grant  of  land,  an  endeavor  for 
which  the  latter  was  "  exceedingly  obliged."  When 

265 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Paine  published  his  "  Rights  of  Man"  he  dedicated 
it  to  Washington,  with  an  inscription  dwelling  on  his 
"  exemplary  virtue"  and  his  "benevolence;"  while 
in  the  body  of  the  work  he  asserted  that  no  monarch 
of  Europe  had  a  character  to  compare  with  Wash 
ington's,  which  was  such  as  to  "put  all  those  men 
called  kings  to  shame."  Shortly  after  this,  however, 
Washington  refused  to  appoint  him  Postmaster- 
General  ;  and  still  later,  when  Paine  had  involved 
himself  with  the  French,  the  President,  after  consid 
eration,  decided  that  governmental  interference  was 
not  proper.  Enraged  by  these  two  acts,  Paine  pub 
lished  a  pamphlet  in  which  he  charged  Washington 
with  "encouraging  and  swallowing  the  greatest 
adulation,"  with  being  "the  patron  of  fraud,"  with 
a  "  mean  and  servile  submission  to  the  insults  of  one 
nation,  treachery  and*  ingratitude  to  another,"  with 
"falsehood,"  "ingratitude,"  and  "pusillanimity;" 
and  finally,  after  alleging  that  the  General  had  not 
"served  America  with  more  disinterestedness  or 
greater  zeal,  than  myself,  and  I  know  not  if  with 
better  effect,"  Paine  closed  his  attack  by  the  asser 
tion,  "and  as  to  you,  sir,  treacherous  in  private 
friendship,  and  a  hypocrite  in  public  life,  the  world 
will  be  puzzled  to  decide,  whether  you  are  an  apos 
tate  or  an  impostor ;  whether  you  have  abandoned 
good  principles,  or  whether  you  ever  had  any?" 

Washington  never,  in  any  situation,  took  public 
notice  of  these  attacks,  and  he  wrote  of  a  possible 
one,  "  I  am  gliding  down  the  stream  of  life,  and 
wish,  as  is  natural,  that  my  remaining  days  may  be 
undisturbed  and  tranquil ;  and,  conscious  of  my  in- 

266 


ENEMIES 

tegrity,  I  would  willingly  hope,  that  nothing  would 
occur  tending  to  give  me  anxiety ;  but  should  any 
thing  present  itself  in  this  or  any  other  publication, 
I  shall  never  undertake  the  painful  task  of  recrimina 
tion,  nor  do  I  know  that  I  should  even  enter  upon 
my  justification."  To  a  friend  he  said,  "my  temper 
leads  me  to  peace  and  harmony  with  all  men  ;  and 
it  is  peculiarly  my  wish  to  avoid  any  feuds  or  dissen- 
tions  with  those  who  are  embarked  in  the  same  great 
national  interest  with  myself ;  as  every  difference  of 
this  kind  must  in  its  consequence  be  very  injurious." 


207 


XI 

SOLDIER 

"  MY  inclinations,"  wrote  Washington  at  twenty- 
three,  "  are  strongly  bent  to  arms,"  and  the  tendency 
was  a  natural  one,  coming  not  merely  from  his  Indian- 
fighting  great-grandfather,  but  from  his  elder  brother 
Lawrence,  who  had  held  a  king's  commission  in  the 
Carthagena  expedition,  and  was  one  of  the  few 
officers  who  gained  repute  in  that  ill-fated  attempt. 
At  Mount  Vernon  George  must  have  heard  much 
of  fighting  as  a  lad,  and  when  the  ill  health  of  Law 
rence  compelled  resignation  of  command  of  the 
district  militia,  the  younger  brother  succeeded  to 
the  adjutancy.  This  quickly  led  to  the  command 
of  the  first  Virginia  regiment  when  the  French  and 
Indian  War  was  brewing.  Twice  Washington  re 
signed  in  disgust  during  the  course  of  the  war,  but 
each  time  his  natural  bent,  or  "glowing  zeal,"  as  he 
phrased  it,  drew  him  back  into  the  service.  The 
moment  the  news  of  Lexington  reached  Virginia  he 
took  the  lead  in  organizing  an  armed  force,  and  in 
the  Virginia  Convention  of  1775,  according  to  Lynch, 
he  "  made  the  most  eloquent  speech  .  .  .  that  ever 
was  made.  Says  he,  '  I  will  raise  one  thousand  men, 
enlist  them  at  my  own  expense,  and  march  myself 
at  their  head  for  the  relief  of  Boston.'"  At  fifty- 
three,  in  speaking  of  war,  Washington  said,  "my 
first  wish  is  to  see  this  plague  to  mankind  banished 

20$ 


SOLDIER 

from  off  the  earth  ;"  but  during  his  whole  life,  when 
there  was  fighting  to  be  done,  he  was  among  those 
who  volunteered  for  the  service. 

The  personal  courage  of  the  man  was  very  great. 
Jefferson,  indeed,  said  "he  was  incapable  of  fear, 
meeting  personal  dangers  with  the  calmest  uncon 
cern."  Before  he  had  ever  been  in  action,  he  noted 
of  a  certain  position  that  it  was  "a  charming  field 
for  an  encounter,"  and  his  first  engagement  he  de 
scribed  as  follows  :  "  I  fortunately  escaped  without 
any  wound,  for  the  right  wing,  where  I  stood,  was 
exposed  to  and  received  all  the  enemy's  fire,  and  it 
was  the  part  where  the  man  was  killed,  and  the  rest 
wounded.  I  heard  the  bullets  whistle,  and,  believe 
me,  there  is  something  charming  in  the  sound."  In 
his  second  battle,  though  he  knew  that  he  was  "  to 
be  attacked  and  by  unequal  numbers,"  he  promised 
beforehand  to  "withstand"  them  "if  there  are  five 
to  one,"  adding,  "  I  doubt  not,  but  if  you  hear  I  am 
beaten,  but  you  will,  at  the  same  [time,]  hear  that 
we  have  done  our  duty,  in  fighting  as  long  [as]  there 
was  a  possibility  of  hope,"  and  in  this  he  was  as 
good  as  his  word.  When  sickness  detained  him  in 
the  Braddock  march,  he  halted  only  on  condition 
that  he  should  receive  timely  notice  of  when  the 
fighting  was  to  begin,  and  in  that  engagement  he 
exposed  himself  so  that  "  I  had  four  bullets  through 
my  coat,  and  two  horses  shot  under  me,  yet  escaped 
unhurt,  altho1  death  was  levelling  my  companions  on 
every  side  of  me  !"  Not  content  with  such  an  ex 
perience,  in  the  second  march  on  Fort  Duquesne  he 
"prayed"  the  interest  of  a  friend  to  have  his  regi- 

269 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

ment  part  of  the  "  light  troops"  that  were  to  push 
forward  in  advance  of  the  main  army. 

The  same  carelessness  of  personal  danger  was 
shown  all  through  the  Revolution.  At  the  battle  of 
Brooklyn,  on  New  York  Island,  at  Trenton,  German- 
town,  and  Monmouth,  he  exposed  himself  to  the 
enemy's  fire,  and  at  the  siege  of  Yorktown  an  eye 
witness  relates  that  "  during  the  assault,  the  British 
kept  up  an  incessant  firing  of  cannon  and  musketry 
from  their  whole  line.  His  Excellency  General 
Washington,  Generals  Lincoln  and  Knox  with  their 
aids,  having  dismounted,  were  standing  in  an  exposed 
situation  waiting  the  result  Colonel  Cobb,  one  of 
General  Washington's  aids,  solicitous  for  his  safety, 
said  to  his  Excellency,  'Sir,  you  are  too  much  ex 
posed  here,  had  you  not  better  step  back  a  little  ?' 
*  Colonel  Cobb/  replied  his  Excellency,  '  if  you  are 
afraid,  you  have  liberty  to  step  back.' '  It  is  no 
cause  for  wonder  that  an  officer  wrote,  "  our  army 
love  their  General  very  much,  but  they  have  one 
thing  against  him,  which  is  the  little  care  he  takes 
of  himself  in  any  action.  His  personal  bravery,  and 
the  desire  he  has  of  animating  his  troops  by  exam 
ple,  make  him  fearless  of  danger.  This  occasions 
us  much  uneasiness." 

This  fearlessness  was  equally  shown  by  his  hatred 
and,  indeed,  non-comprehension  of  cowardice.  In 
his  first  battle,  upon  the  French  surrendering,  he 
wrote  to  the  governor,  "if  the  whole  Detach't  of  the 
French  behave  with  no  more  Resolution  than  this 
chosen  Party  did,  I  flatter  myself  we  shall  have  no 
g't  trouble  in  driving  them  to  the  d — ."  At  Brad- 

270 


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WASHINGTON'S  TRANSCRIPT  OF  THE  RULES  OF  CIVILITY, 
CIRCA  1744 


SOLDIER 

dock's  defeat,  though  the  regiment  he  had  com 
manded  "  behaved  like  men  and  died  like  soldiers," 
he  could  hardly  find  words  to  express  his  contempt 
for  the  conduct  of  the  British  "cowardly  regulars," 
writing  of  their  "  dastardly  behavior"  when  they 
"  broke  and  ran  as  sheep  before  hounds,"  and  raging 
over  being  "most  scandalously"  and  "shamefully 
beaten."  When  the  British  first  landed  on  New 
York  Island,  and  two  New  England  brigades  ran 
away  from  "  a  small  party  of  the  enemy,"  numbering 
about  fifty,  without  firing  a  shot,  he  completely  lost 
his  self-control  at  their  "dastardly  behavior,"  and 
riding  in  among  them,  it  is  related,  he  laid  his  cane 
over  the  officers'  backs,  "  damned  them  for  cowardly 
rascals,"  and,  drawing  his  sword,  struck  the  soldiers 
right  and  left  with  the  flat  of  it,  while  snapping  his 
pistols  at  them.  Greene  states  that  the  fugitives 
"left  his  Excellency  on  the  ground  within  eighty 
yards  of  the  enemy,  so  vexed  at  the  infamous  con 
duct  of  the  troops,  that  he  sought  death  rather  than 
life,"  and  Gordon  adds  that  the  General  was  only 
saved  from  his  "  hazardous  position"  by  his  aides, 
who  "  caught  the  bridle  of  his  horse  and  gave  him  a 
different  direction."  At  Monmouth  an  aide  stated 
that  when  he  met  a  man  running  away  he  was  "  ex 
asperated  .  .  .  and  threatened  the  man  ...  he 
would  have  him  whipped,"  and  General  Scott  says 
that  on  finding  Lee  retreating,  "he  swore  like  an 
angel  from  heaven."  Wherever  in  his  letters  he 
alludes  to  cowardice  it  is  nearly  always  coupled  with 
the  adjectives  "infamous,"  "scandalous,"  or  others 
equally  indicative  of  loss  of  temper. 

271 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Washington  had  a 
high  temper.  Hamilton's  allusion  to  his  not  being 
remarkable  for  "good  temper"  has  already  been 
quoted,  as  has  also  Stuart's  remark  that  "  all  his  fea 
tures  were  indicative  of  the  strongest  and  most  un 
governable  passions,  and  had  he  been  born  in  the 
forests,  he  would  have  been  the  fiercest  man  among 
the  savage  tribes."  Again  Stuart  is  quoted  by  his 
daughter  as  follows : 

"  While  talking  one  day  with  General  Lee,  my  father  happened  to 
remark  that  Washington  had  a  tremendous  temper,  but  held  it  under 
wonderful  control.  General  Lee  breakfasted  with  the  President  and 
Mrs.  Washington  a  few  days  afterwards. 

"  *  I  saw  your  portrait  the  other  day,'  said  the  General,  '  but  Stuart 
says  you  have  a  tremendous  temper. ' 

*'  'Upon  my  word,'  said  Mrs.  Washington,  coloring,  *  Mr.  Stuart 
takes  a  great  deal  upon  himself  to  make  such  a  remark. ' 

"  'But  stay,  my  dear  lady,'  said  General  Lee,  'he  added  that  the 
president  had  it  under  wonderful  control. ' 

"'With  something  like  a  smile,  General  Washington  remarked, 
'He  is  right.'" 

Lear,  too,  mentions  an  outburst  of  temper  when 
he  heard  of  the  defeat  of  St.  Clair,  and  elsewhere 
records  that  in  reading  politics  aloud  to  Washington 
"  he  appeared  much  affected,  and  spoke  with  some 
degree  of  asperity  on  the  subject,  which  I  endeav 
ored  to  moderate,  as  I  always  did  on  such  occa 
sions."  How  he  swore  at  Randolph  and  at  Freneau 
is  mentioned  elsewhere.  Jefferson  is  evidence  that 
"his  temper  was  naturally  irritable  and  high-toned, 
but  reflection  and  resolution  had  obtained  a  firm 
and  habitual  ascendency  over  it  If  however  it 
broke  its  bonds,  he  was  most  tremendous  in  his 
wrath." 

273 


SOLDIER 

Strikingly  at  variance  with  these  personal  qualities 
of  courage  and  hot  blood  is  the  "  Fabian"  policy 
for  which  he  is  so  generally  credited,  and  a  study  of 
his  military  career  goes  far  to  dispel  the  conception 
that  Washington  was  the  cautious  commander  that 
he  is  usually  pictured. 

In  the  first  campaign,  though  near  a  vastly  superior 
French  force,  Washington  precipitated  the  conflict 
by  attacking  and  capturing  an  advance  party,  though 
the  delay  of  a  few  days  would  have  brought  him 
large  reinforcements.  As  a  consequence  he  was 
very  quickly  surrounded,  and  after  a  day's  fighting 
was  compelled  to  surrender.  In  what  light  his  con 
duct  was  viewed  at  the  time  is  shown  in  two  letters, 
Dr.  William  Smith  writing,  "  the  British  cause,  .  .  . 
has  received  a  fatal  Blow  by  the  entire  defeat  of  Wash 
ington,  whom  I  cannot  but  accuse  of  Foolhardiness 
to  have  ventured  so  near  a  vigilant  enemy  without 
being  certain  of  their  numbers,  or  waiting  for  Junc 
tion  of  some  hundreds  of  our  best  Forces,  who  are 
within  a  few  Days'  March  of  him,"  and  Ann  Willing 
echoed  this  by  saying,  "the  melancholy  news  has 
just  arrived  of  the  loss  of  sixty  men  belonging  to 
Col.  Washington's  Company,  who  were  killed  on  the 
spot,  and  of  the  Colonel  and  Half-King  being  taken 
prisoners,  all  owing  to  the  obstinacy  of  Washington, 
who  would  not  wait  for  the  arrival  of  reinforce 
ments." 

Hardly  less  venturesome  was  he  in  the  Braddock 
campaign,  for  "  the  General  (before  they  met  in 
council,)  asked  my  opinion  concerning  the  expedi 
tion.  I  urged  it,  in  the  warmest  terms  I  was  able, 

18  273 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

to  push  forward,  if  we  even  did  it  with  a  small  but 
chosen  band,  with  such  artillery  and  light  stores  as 
were  absolutely  necessary ;  leaving  the  heavy  artil 
lery,  baggage,  &c.  with  the  rear  division  of  the  army, 
to  follow  by  slow  and  easy  marches,  which  they  might 
do  safely,  while  we  were  advanced  in  front."  How 
far  the  defeat  of  that  force  was  due  to  the  division 
thus  urged  it  is  not  possible  to  say,  but  it  undoubt 
edly  made  the  French  bolder  and  the  English  more 
subject  to  panic. 

The  same  spirit  was  manifested  in  the  Revolution. 
During  the  siege  of  Boston  he  wrote  to  Reed,  "  I 
proposed  [an  assault]  in  council ;  but  behold,  though 
we  had  been  waiting  all  the  year  for  this  favorable 
event  the  enterprise  was  thought  too  dangerous. 
Perhaps  it  was  ;  perhaps  the  irksomeness  of  my  situ 
ation  led  me  to  undertake  more  than  could  be  war 
ranted  by  prudence.  I  did  not  think  so,  and  I  am 
sure  yet,  that  the  enterprise,  if  it  had  been  under 
taken  with  resolution,  must  have  succeeded."  He 
added  that  "the  enclosed  council  of  war:  .  .  .  being 
almost  unanimous,  I  must  suppose  it  to  be  right ; 
although,  from  a  thorough  conviction  of  the  neces 
sity  of  attempting  something  against  the  ministerial 
troops  before  a  reinforcement  should  arrive,  and 
while  we  were  favored  with  the  ice,  I  was  not  only 
ready  but  willing,  and  desirous  of  making  the  as 
sault,"  and  a  little  later  he  said  that  had  he  but 
foreseen  certain  contingencies  "  all  the  generals  upon 
earth  should  not  have  convinced  me  of  the  pro 
priety  of  delaying  an  attack  upon  Boston." 

In  the  defence  of  New  York  there  was  no  chance 
274 


SOLDIER 

to  attack,  but  even  when  our  lines  at  Brooklyn  had 
been  broken  and  the  best  brigades  in  the  army  cap 
tured,  Washington  hurried  troops  across  the  river, 
and  intended  to  contest  the  ground,  ordering  a  re 
treat  only  when  it  was  voted  in  the  affirmative  by  a 
council  of  war.  At  Harlem  plains  he  was  the  at 
tacking  party. 

How  with  a  handful  of  troops  he  turned  the  tide 
of  defeat  by  attacking  at  Trenton  and  Princeton  is 
too  well  known  to  need  recital.  At  Germantown, 
too,  though  having  but  a  few  days  before  suffered 
defeat,  he  attacked  and  well-nigh  won  a  brilliant 
victory,  because  the  British  officers  did  not  dream 
that  his  vanquished  army  could  possibly  take  the 
initiative.  When  the  foe  settled  down  into  winter 
quarters  in  Philadelphia  Laurens  wrote,  "  our  Com 
mander-in-chief  wishing  ardently  to  gratify  the  public 
expectation  by  making  an  attack  upon  the  enemy 
.  .  .  went  yesterday  to  view  the  works."  On  submit 
ting  the  project  to  a  council,  however,  they  stood 
eleven  to  four  against  the  attempt. 

The  most  marked  instance  of  Washington's  un- 
Fabian  preferences,  and  proof  of  the  old  saying  that 
"councils  of  war  never  fight,"  is  furnished  in  the 
occurrences  connected  with  the  battle  of  Monmouth. 
When  the  British  began  their  retreat  across  New 
Jersey,  according  to  Hamilton  "  the  General  un 
luckily  called  a  council  of  war,  the  result  of  which 
would  have  done  honor  to  the  most  honorable  so 
ciety  of  mid-wives  and  to  them  only.  The  purport 
was,  that  we  should  keep  at  a  comfortable  distance 
from  the  enemy,  and  keep  up  a  vain  parade  of 

275 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

annoying  them  by  detachment  .  .  .  The  General,  on 
mature  reconsideration  of  what  had  been  resolved  on, 
determined  to  pursue  a  different  line  of  conduct  at  all 
hazards."  Concerning  this  decision  Pickering  wrote, — 

*'  His  great  caution  in  respect  to  the  enemy,  acquired  him  the 
name  of  the  American  Fabius.  From  Misgoverning  policy  he  is  said 
to  have  departed,  when"  at  Monmouth  he  "indulged  the  most  anx 
ious  desire  to  close  with  his  antagonist  in  general  action.  Opposed 
to  his  wishes  was  the  advice  of  his  general  officers.  To  this  he  for 
a  time  yielded ;  but  as  soon  as  he  discovered  that  the  enemy  had 
reached  Monmouth  Court  House,  not  more  than  twelve  miles  from 
the  heights  of  Middletown,  he  determined  that  he  should  not  escape 
without  a  blow. ' ' 

Pickering  considered  this  a  "departure"  from 
Washington's  "usual  practice  and  policy,"  and  cites 
Wadsworth,  who  said,  in  reference  to  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  that  the  General  appeared,  on  that  occa 
sion,  "to  act  from  the  impulses  of  his  own  mind." 

Thrice  during  the  next  three  years  plans  for  an 
attack  on  the  enemy's  lines  at  New  York  were  ma 
tured,  one  of  which  had  to  be  abandoned  because 
the  British  had  timely  notice  of  it  by  the  treachery 
of  an  American  general,  a  second  because  the  other 
generals  disapproved  the  attempt,  and,  on  the  au 
thority  of  Humphreys,  "  the  accidental  intervention 
of  some  vessels  prevented  [another]  attempt,  which 
was  more  than  once  resumed  afterwards.  Notwith 
standing  this  favorite  project  was  not  ultimately 
effected,  it  was  evidently  not  less  bold  in  conception 
or  feasible  in  accomplishment,  than  that  attempted 
so  successfully  at  Trenton,  or  than  that  which  was 
brought  to  so  glorious  an  issue  in  the  successful  siege 
of  Yorktown." 

276 


SOLDIER 

As  this  resume  indicates,  the  most  noticeable  trait 
of  Washington's  military  career  was  a  tendency  to 
surrender  his  own  opinions  and  wishes  to  those  over 
whom  he  had  been  placed,  and  this  resulted  in  a 
general  agreement  not  merely  that  he  was  disposed 
to  avoid  action,  but  that  he  lacked  decision.  Thus 
his  own  aide,  Reed,  in  obvious  contrast  to  Wash 
ington,  praised  Lee  because  "you  have  decision,  a 
quality  often  wanted  in  minds  otherwise  valuable," 
continuing,  "  Oh  !  General,  an  indecisive  mind  is  one 
of  the  greatest  misfortunes  that  can  befall  an  army ; 
how  often  have  I  lamented  it  this  campaign,"  and  Lee 
in  reply  alluded  to  "that  fatal  indecision  of  mind." 
Pickering  relates  meeting  General  Greene  and  saying 
to  him,  "  *  I  had  once  conceived  an  exalted  opinion 
of  General  Washington's  military  talents  ;  but  since 
I  have  been  with  the  army,  I  have  seen  nothing  to 
increase  that  opinion.'  Greene  answered,  'Why,  the 
General  does  want  decision:  for  my  part,  I  decide  in 
a  moment'  I  used  the  word  'increase,'  though  I 
meant  'support,'  but  did  not  dare  speak  it."  Wayne 
exclaimed  "  if  our  worthy  general  will  but  follow 
his  own  good  judgment  without  listening  too  much 
to  some  counsel  !"  Edward  Thornton,  probably  re 
peating  the  prevailing  public  estimate  of  the  time 
rather  than  his  own  conclusion,  said,  "  a  certain  de 
gree  of  indecision,  however,  a  want  of  vigor  and 
energy,  may  be  observed  in  some  of  his  actions,  and 
are  indeed  the  obvious  result  of  too  refined  caution." 

Undoubtedly  this  leaning  on  others  and  the  want 
of  decision  were  not  merely  due  to  a  constitutional 
mistrust  of  his  own  ability,  but  also  in  a  measure  to 

277 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

real  lack  of  knowledge.  The  French  and  Indian  War, 
being  almost  wholly  "  bush-fighting,"  was  not  of  a 
kind  to  teach  strategic  warfare,  and  in  his  speech 
accepting  the  command  Washington  requested  that 
"  it  may  be  remembered  by  every  gentleman  in  the 
room,  that  I  this  day  declare  with  the  utmost  sincerity 
I  do  not  think  myself  equal  to  the  command  I  am 
honored  with."  Indeed,  he  very  well  described 
himself  and  his  generals  when  he  wrote  of  one 
officer,  "his  wants  are  common  to  us  all — the  want  of 
experience  to  move  upon  a  large  scale,  for  the  limited 
and  contracted  knowledge,  which  any  of  us  have  in 
military  matters,  stands  in  very  little  stead."  There 
can  be  no  question  that  in  most  of  the  "  field"  en 
gagements  of  the  Revolution  Washington  was  out- 
generalled  by  the  British,  and  Jefferson  made  a  just 
distinction  when  he  spoke  of  his  having  often  "  failed 
in  the  field,  and  rarely  against  an  enemy  in  station, 
as  at  Boston  and  York." 

The  lack  of  great  military  genius  in  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  has  led  British  writers  to  ascribe  the 
results  of  the  war  to  the  want  of  ability  in  their  own 
generals,  their  view  being  well  summed  up  by  a  writer 
in  1778,  who  said,  "in  short,  I  am  of  the  opinion 
.  .  .  that  any  other  General  in  the  world  than  Gen 
eral  Howe  would  have  beaten  General  Washington  ; 
and  any  other  General  in  the  world  than  General 
Washington  would  have  beaten  General  Howe." 

This  is,  in  effect,  to  overlook  the  true  nature  of 
the  contest,  for  it  was  their  very  victories  that  de 
feated  the  British.  They  conquered  New  Jersey,  to 
meet  defeat ;  they  captured  Philadelphia,  only  to  find 

278 


SOLDIER 

it  a  danger  ;  they  established  posts  in  North  Carolina, 
only  to  abandon  them  ;  they  overran  Virginia,  to  lay 
down  their  arms  at  Yorktown.  As  Washington  early 
in  the  war  divined,  the  Revolution  was  "a  war  of 
posts,"  and  he  urged  the  danger  of  "dividing  and 
subdividing  our  Force  too  much  [so  that]  we  shall 
have  no  one  post  sufficiently  guarded,"  saying,  "it  is 
a  military  observation  strongly  supported  by  experi 
ence,  '  that  a  superior  army  may  fall  a  sacrifice  to  an 
inferior,  by  an  injudicious  division.' '  It  was  exactly 
this  which  defeated  the  British  ;  every  conquest  they 
made  weakened  their  force,  and  the  war  was  not  a 
third  through  when  Washington  said,  "  I  am  well 
convinced  myself,  that  the  enemy,  long  ere  this,  are 
perfectly  well  satisfied,  that  the  possession  of  our 
towns,  while  we  have  an  army  in  the  field,  will  avail 
them  little."  As  Franklin  said,  when  the  news  was 
announced  that  Howe  had  captured  Philadelphia, 
"No,  Philadelphia  has  captured  Howe." 

The  problem  of  the  Revolution  was  not  one  of 
military  strategy,  but  of  keeping  an  army  in  exist 
ence,  and  it  was  in  this  that  the  commander-in-chief 's 
great  ability  showed  itself.  The  British  could  and 
did  repeatedly  beat  the  Continental  army,  but  they 
could  not  beat  the  General,  and  so  long  as  he  was  in 
the  field  there  was  a  rallying  ground  for  whatever 
fighting  spirit  there  was. 

The  difficulty  of  this  task  can  hardly  be  over- 
magnified.  When  Washington  assumed  command 
of  the  forces  before  Boston,  he  "found  a  mixed 
multitude  of  people  .  .  .  under  very  little  discipline, 
order,  or  government,"  and  "confusion  and  disorder 

279 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

reigned  in  every  department,  which,  in  a  little  time, 
must  have  ended  either  in  the  separation  of  the  army 
or  fatal  contests  with  one  another."  Before  he  was 
well  in  the  saddle  his  general  officers  were  quarrel 
ling  over  rank,  and  resigning ;  there  was  such  a 
scarcity  of  powder  that  it  was  out  of  the  question 
for  some  months  to  do  anything ;  and  the  British 
sent  people  infected  with  small-pox  to  the  Continen 
tal  army,  with  a  consequent  outbreak  of  that  pest. 

Hardly  had  he  brought  order  out  of  chaos  when 
the  army  he  had  taken  such  pains  to  discipline 
began  to  melt  away,  having  been  by  political  folly 
recruited  for  short  terms,  and  the  work  was  to  be  all 
done  over.  Again  and  again  during  the  war  regi 
ments  which  had  been  enlisted  for  short  periods  left 
him  at  the  most  critical  moment.  Very  typical 
occurrences  he  himself  tells  of,  when  Connecticut 
troops  could  "  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  stay  longer 
than  their  term  (saving  those  who  have  enlisted  for 
the  next  campaign,  and  mostly  on  furlough),  and 
such  a  dirty,  mercenary  spirit  pervades  the  whole, 
that  I  should  not  be  at  all  surprised  at  any  disaster 
that  may  happen,"  and  when  he  described  how  in  his 
retreat  through  New  Jersey,  "The  militia,  instead 
of  calling  forth  their  utmost  efforts  to  a  brave  and 
manly  opposition  in  order  to  repair  our  losses,  are 
dismayed,  intractable,  and  impatient  to  return. 
Great  numbers  of  them  have  gone  off;  in  some 
instances,  almost  by  whole  regiments,  by  half  ones, 
and  by  companies  at  a  time. "  Another  instance  of 
this  evil  occurred  when  "  the  Continental  regiments 
from  the  eastern  governments  .  .  .  agreed  to  stay 

280 


SOLDIER 

six  weeks  beyond  their  term  of  enlistment  .  .  .  For 
this  extraordinary  mark  of  their  attachment  to  their 
country,  I  have  agreed  to  give  them  a  bounty  of  ten 
dollars  per  man,  besides  their  pay  running  on." 
The  men  took  the  bounty,  and  nearly  one-half  went 
off  a  few  days  after. 

Nor  was  this  the  only  evil  of  the  policy  of  short 
enlistments.  Another  was  that  the  new  troops  not 
merely  were  green  soldiers,  but  were  without  disci 
pline.  At  New  York  Tilghman  wrote  that  after  the 
battle  of  Brooklyn  the  "Eastern"  soldiers  were 
"plundering  everything  that  comes  in  their  way," 
and  Washington  in  describing  the  condition  said, 
"  every  Hour  brings  the  most  distressing  complaints 
of  the  Ravages  of  our  own  Troops  who  are  become 
infinitely  more  formidable  to  the  poor  Farmers  and 
Inhabitants  than  the  common  Enemy.  Horses  are 
taken  out  of  the  Continental  Teams  ;  the  Baggage 
of  Officers  and  the  Hospital  Stores,  even  the  Quar 
ters  of  General  Officers  are  not  exempt  from  Rapine." 
At  the  most  critical  moment  of  the  war  the  New 
Jersey  militia  not  merely  deserted,  but  captured  and 
took  with  them  nearly  the  whole  stores  of  the  army. 
As  the  General  truly  wrote,  "  the  Dependence  which 
the  Congress  have  placed  upon  the  militia,  has 
already  greatly  injured,  and  I  fear  will  totally  ruin 
our  cause.  Being  subject  to  no  controul  themselves, 
they  introduce  disorder  among  the  troops,  whom  you 
have  attempted  to  discipline,  while  the  change  in 
their  living  brings  on  sickness ;  this  makes  them  Im 
patient  to  get  home,  which  spreads  universally,  and 
introduces  abominable  desertions."  "The  collecting 

281 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

militia,"  he  said  elsewhere,  "depends  entirely  upon 
the  prospects  of  the  day.  If  favorable  they  throng 
in  to  you  ;  if  not,  they  will  not  move." 

To  make  matters  worse,  politics  were  allowed  to 
play  a  prominent  part  in  the  selection  of  officers, 
and  Washington  complained  that  "  the  different 
States  [were],  without  regard  to  the  qualifications  of 
an  officer,  quarrelling  about  the  appointments,  and 
nominating  such  as  are  not  fit  to  be  shoeblacks,  from 
the  attachments  of  this  or  that  member  of  Assembly." 
As  a  result,  so  he  wrote  of  New  England,  "their 
officers  are  generally  of  the  lowest  class  of  the  peo 
ple  ;  and,  instead  of  setting  a  good  example  to  their 
men,  are  leading  them  into  every  kind  of  mischief, 
one  species  of  which  is  plundering  the  inhabitants, 
under  the  pretence  of  their  being  Tories."  To  this 
political  motive  he  himself  would  not  yield,  and  a 
sample  of  his  appointments  was  given  when  a  man 
was  named  "  because  he  stands  unconnected  with 
either  of  these  Governments  ;  or  with  this,  or  that  or 
tother  man  ;  for  between  you  and  me  there  is  more 
in  this  than  you  can  easily  imagine,"  and  he  asserted 
that  "I  will  not  have  any  Gentn.  introduced  from 
family  connexion,  or  local  attachments,  to  the  preju 
dice  of  the  Service." 

To  misbehaving  soldiers  Washington  showed  little 
mercy.  In  his  first  service  he  had  deserters  and 
plunderers  "  flogged,"  and  threatened  that  if  he  could 
"lay  hands"  on  one  particular  culprit,  "I  would  try 
the  effect  of  1000  lashes."  At  another  time  he  had 
"a  Gallows  near  40  feet  high  erected  (which  has 
terrified  the  rest  exceedingly)  and  I  am  determined 

282 


SOLDIER 

if  I  can  be  justified  in  the  proceeding,  to  hang  two 
or  three  on  it,  as  an  example  to  others."  When  he 
took  command  of  the  Continental  army  he  "  made 
a  pretty  good  slam  among  such  kind  of  officers  as 
the  Massachusetts  Government  abound  in  since  I 
came  to  this  Camp,  having  broke  one  Colo,  and  two 
Captains  for  cowardly  behavior  in  the  action  on 
Bunker's  Hill, — two  Captains  for  drawing  more  pro 
visions  and  pay  than  they  had  men  in  their  Company 
— and  one  for  being  absent  from  his  Post  when  the 
Enemy  appeared  there  and  burnt  a  House  just  by 
it.  Besides  these,  I  have  at  this  time — one  Colo., 
one  Major,  one  Captn.,  &  two  subalterns  under 
arrest  for  tryal — In  short  I  spare  none  yet  fear  it  will 
not  at  all  do  as  these  People  seem  to  be  too  inatten 
tive  to  every  thing  but  their  Interest."  "I  am  sorry," 
he  wrote,  "  to  be  under  a  Necessity  of  making  fre 
quent  Examples  among  the  Officers,"  but  "as  noth 
ing  can  be  more  fatal  to  an  Army,  than  Crimes  of 
this  kind,  I  am  determined  by  every  Motive  of 
Reward  and  Punishment  to  prevent  them  in  future." 
Even  when  plundering  was  avoided  there  were 
short  commons  for  those  who  clung  to  the  General. 
The  commander-in-chief  wrote  Congress  that  "  they 
have  often,  very  often,  been  reduced  to  the  necessity 
of  Eating  Salt  Porke,  or  Beef  not  for  a  day,  or  a 
week  but  months  together  without  Vegetables,  or 
money  to  buy  them  ;"  and  again,  he  complained  that 
"the  Soldiers  [were  forced  to]  eat  every  kind  of 
horse  food  but  Hay.  Buckwheat,  common  wheat, 
Rye  and  Indn.  Corn  was  the  composition  of  the  Meal 
which  made  their  bread.  As  an  Army  they  bore  it, 

283 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

[but]  accompanied  by  the  want  of  Cloaths,  Blankets, 
&c.,  will  produce  frequent  desertions  in  all  armies 
and  so  it  happens  with  us,  tho'  it  did  not  excite  a 
mutiny."  Even  the  horses  suffered,  and  Washington 
wrote  to  the  quartermaster-general,  "  Sir,  my  horses 
I  am  told  have  not  had  a  mouthful  of  long  or  short 
forage  for  three  days.  They  have  eaten  up  their 
mangers  and  are  now,  (though  wanted  for  immediate 
use,)  scarcely  able  to  stand." 

Two  results  were  sickness  and  discontent.  At 
times  one-fourth  of  the  soldiers  were  on  the  sick-list. 
Three  times  portions  of  the  army  mutinied,  and 
nothing  but  Washington's  influence  prevented  the 
disorder  from  spreading.  At  the  end  of  the  war, 
when,  according  to  Hamilton,  "  the  army  had  secretly 
determined  not  to  lay  down  their  arms  until  due 
provision  and  a  satisfactory  prospect  should  be 
offered  on  the  subject  of  their  pay,"  the  commander- 
in-chief  urged  Congress  to  do  them  justice,  writing, 
"the  fortitude — the  long,  &  great  suffering  of  this 
army  is  unexampled  in  history ;  but  there  is  an  end 
to  all  things  &  I  fear  we  are  very  near  to  this. 
Which,  more  than  probably  will  oblige  me  to  stick 
very  close  to  my  flock  this  winter,  &  try  like  a  care 
ful  physician,  to  prevent,  if  possible,  the  disorders 
getting  to  an  incurable  height."  In  this  he  judged 
rightly,  for  by  his  influence  alone  was  the  army  pre 
vented  from  adopting  other  than  peaceful  measures 
to  secure  itself  justice. 

A  chief  part  of  these  difficulties  the  Continental 
Congress  is  directly  responsible  for,  and  the  reason 
for  their  conduct  is  to  be  found  largely  in  the  cir- 

284 


LIFE    MASK    OF    WASHINGTON 


SOLDIER 

cumstances  of  Washington's  appointment  to  the 
command. 

When  the  Second  Congress  met,  in  May,  1775,  the 
battle  of  Lexington  had  been  fought,  and  twenty 
thousand  minute-men  were  assembled  about  Boston. 
To  pay  and  feed  such  a  horde  was  wholly  beyond 
the  ability  of  New  England,  and  her  delegates  came 
to  the  Congress  bent  upon  getting  that  body  to 
assume  the  expense,  or,  as  the  Provincial  Congress 
of  Massachusetts  naively  put  it,  "  we  have  the  great 
est  Confidence  in  the  Wisdom  and  Ability  of  the 
Continent  to  support  us." 

The  other  colonies  saw  this  in  a  different  light 
Massachusetts,  without  our  advice,  has  begun  a  war 
and  embodied  an  army  ;  let  Massachusetts  pay  her 
own  bills,  was  their  point  of  view.  "  I  have  found 
this  Congress  like  the  last,"  wrote  John  Adams. 
"When  we  first  came  together,  I  found  a  strong 
jealousy  of  us  from  New  England,  and  the  Massa- 
chusettes  in  particular,  suspicions  entertained  of 
designs  of  independency,  an  American  republic, 
Presbyterian  principles,  and  twenty  other  things. 
Our  sentiments  were  heard  in  Congress  with  great 
caution,  and  seemed  to  make  but  little  impression." 
Yet  "  every  post  brought  me  letters  from  my  friends 
.  .  .  urging  in  pathetic  terms  the  impossibility  of 
keeping  their  men  together  without  the  assistance  of 
Congress."  "  I  was  daily  urging  all  these  things, 
but  we  were  embarrassed  with  more  than  one  diffi 
culty,  not  only  with  the  party  in  favor  of  the  petition 
to  the  King,  and  the  party  who  were  zealous  of 
independence,  but  a  third  party,  which  was  a  southern 

285 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

party  against  a  Northern,  and  a  jealousy  against  a 
New  England  army  under  the  command  of  a  New 
England  General." 

Under  these  circumstances  a  political  deal  was 
resorted  to,  and  Virginia  was  offered  by  John  and 
Samuel  Adams,  as  the  price  of  an  adoption  and  sup 
port  of  the  New  England  army,  the  appointment  of 
commander-in-chief,  though  the  offer  was  not  made 
with  over-good  grace,  and  only  because  "  we  could 
carry  nothing  without  conceding  it."  There  was 
some  dissension  among  the  Virginia  delegates  as  to 
who  should  receive  the  appointment,  Washington 
himself  recommending  an  old  companion  in  arms, 
General  Andrew  Lewis,  and  "more  than  one,"  Adams 
says  of  the  Virginia  delegates,  were  "  very  cool  about 
the  appointment  of  Washington,  and  particularly 
Mr.  Pendleton  was  very  clear  and  full  against  it" 
Washington  himself  said  the  appointment  was  due 
to  "  partiality  of  the  Congress,  joined  to  a  political 
motive  ;"  and,  hard  as  it  is  to  realize,  it  was  only  the 
grinding  political  necessity  of  the  New  England 
colonies  which  secured  to  Washington  the  place  for 
which  in  the  light  of  to-day  he  seems  to  have  been 
created. 

As  a  matter  of  course,  there  was  not  the  strongest 
liking  felt  for  the  General  thus  chosen  by  the  New 
England  delegates,  and  this  was  steadily  lessened  by 
Washington's  frank  criticism  of  the  New  England 
soldiers  and  officers  already  noticed.  Equally  bitter 
to  the  New  England  delegates  and  their  allies  were 
certain  army  measures  that  Washington  pressed  upon 
the  attention  of  Congress.  He  urged  and  urged 

.286 


SOLDIER 

that  the  troops  should  be  enlisted  for  the  war,  that 
promotions  should  be  made  from  the  army  as  a 
whole,  and  not  from  the  colony-  or  State-line  alone, 
and  most  unpopular  of  all,  that  since  Continental 
soldiers  could  not  otherwise  be  obtained,  a  bounty 
should  be  given  to  secure  them,  and  that  as  com 
pensation  for  their  inadequate  pay  half-pay  should 
be  given  them  after  the  war.  He  eventually  carried 
these  points,  but  at  the  price  of  an  entire  alienation 
of  the  democratic  party  in  the  Congress,  who  wished 
to  have  the  war  fought  with  militia,  to  have  all  the 
officers  elected  annually,  and  to  whom  the  very  sug 
gestion  of  pensions  was  like  a  red  rag  to  a  bull. 

A  part  of  their  motive  in  this  was  unquestionably 
to  prevent  the  danger  of  a  standing  army,  and  of 
allowing  the  commander-in-chief  to  become  popular 
with  the  soldiers.  Very  early  in  the  war  Washington 
noted  "  tins  jealousy  which  Congress  unhappily  enter 
tain  of  the  army,  and  which,  if  reports  are  right, 
some  members  labor  to  establish."  And  he  com 
plained  that  "  I  see  a  distrust  and  jealousy  of  mili 
tary  power,  that  the  commander-in-chief  has  not  an 
opportunity,  even  by  recommendation,  to  give  the 
least  assurance  of  reward  for  the  most  essential  ser 
vices."  The  French  minister  told  his  government 
that  when  a  committee  was  appointed  to  institute 
certain  army  reforms,  delegates  in  Congress  "  insisted 
on  the  danger  of  associating  the  Commander-in-chief 
with  it,  whose  influence,  it  was  stated,  was  already 
too  great,"  and  when  France  sent  money  to  aid  the 
American  cause,  with  the  provision  that  it  should  be 
subject  to  the  order  of  the  General,  it  aroused,  a 
287 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

writer  states,  "  the  jealousy  of  Congress,  the  members 
of  which  were  not  satisfied  that  the  head  of  the  army 
should  possess  such  an  agency  in  addition  to  his 
military  power." 

His  enemies  in  the  Congress  took  various  means  to 
lessen  his  influence  and  mortify  him.  Burke  states 
that  in  the  discussion  of  one  question  "Jersey,  Penn 
sylvania,  North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina  voted 
for  expunging  it ;  the  four  Eastern  States,  Virginia 
and  Georgia  for  retaining  it.  There  appeared  through 
this  whole  debate  a  great  desire,  in  some  of  the  dele 
gates  from  the  Eastern  States,  and  in  one  from  New 
Jersey,  to  insult  the  General,"  and  a  little  later  the 
Congress  passed  a  "resolve  which,"  according  to 
James  Lovell,  "was  meant  to  rap  a  Demi  G —  over 
the  knuckles."  Nor  was  it  by  commission,  but  as 
well  by  omission,  that  they  showed  their  ill  feeling. 
John  Laurens  told  his  father  that 

' '  there  is  a  conduct  observed  towards' '  the  General ' '  by  certain  great 
men,  which  as  it  is  humiliating,  must  abate  his  happiness.  .  .  .  The 
Commander  in  Chief  of  this  army  is  not  sufficiently  informed  of  all 
that  is  known  by  Congress  of  European  affairs.  Is  it  not  a  galling  cir 
cumstance,  for  him  to  collect  the  most  important  intelligence  piece 
meal,  and  as  they  choose  to  give  it,  from  gentlemen  who  come  from 
York?  Apart  from  the  chagrin  which  he  must  necessarily  feel  at 
such  an  appearance  of  slight,  it  should  be  considered  that  in  order 
to  settle  his  plan  of  operations  for  the  ensuing  campaign,  he  should 
take  into  view  the  present  state  of  European  affairs,  and  Congress 
should  not  leave  him  in  the  dark." 

Furthermore,  as  already  noted,  Washington  was 
criticised  for  his  Fabian  policy,  and  in  his  indignation 
he  wrote  to  Congress,  "  I  am  informed  that  it  is  a 
matter  of  amazement,  and  that  reflections  have  been 
thrown  out  against  this  army,  for  not  being  more 

288 


SOLDIER 

active  and  enterprising  than,  in  the  opinion  of  some, 
they  ought  to  have  been.  If  the  charge  is  just,  the 
best  way  to  account  for  it  will  be  to  refer  you  to  the 
returns  of  our  strength,  and  those  which  I  can  pro 
duce  of  the  enemy,  and  to  the  enclosed  abstract  of 
the  clothing  now  actually  wanting  for  the  army." 
"I  can  assure  those  gentlemen,"  he  said,  in  reply 
to  political  criticism,  "  that  it  is  a  much  easier  and 
less  distressing  thing  to  draw  remonstrances  in  a 
comfortable  room  by  a  good  fireside,  than  to  occupy 
a  cold,  bleak  hill,  and  sleep  under  frost  and  snow, 
without  clothes  or  blankets." 

The  ill  feeling  did  not  end  with  insults.  With  the 
defeats  of  the  years  1776  and  1777  it  gathered 
force,  and  towards  the  end  of  the  latter  year  it 
crystallized  in  what  has  been  known  in  history  as 
the  Conway  Cabal.  The  story  of  this  conspiracy  is 
so  involved  in  shadow  that  little  is  known  concerning 
its  adherents  or  its  endeavors.  But  in  a  general  way 
it  has  been  discovered  that  the  New  England  dele 
gates  again  sought  the  aid  of  the  Lee  faction  in 
Virginia,  and  that  this  coalition,  with  the  aid  of 
such  votes  as  they  could  obtain,  schemed  several 
methods  which  should  lessen  the  influence  of  Wash 
ington,  if  they  did  not  force  him  to  resign.  Sepa 
rate  and  detached  commands  were  created,  which 
were  made  independent  of  the  commander-in-chief, 
and  for  this  purpose  even  a  scheme  which  the  Gen 
eral  called  "a  child  of  folly"  was  undertaken.  Of 
ficers  notoriously  inimical  to  Washington,  yet  upon 
whom  he  would  be  forced  to  rely,  were  promoted. 
A  board  of  war  made  up  of  his  enemies,  with  powers 

19  *89 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

"in  effect  paramount,"  Hamilton  says,  "to  those  of 
the  Commander-in-chief,"  was  created.  It  is  even 
asserted  that  it  was  moved  in  Congress  that  a  com 
mittee  should  be  appointed  to  arrest  Washington, 
which  was  defeated  only  by  the  timely  arrival  of  a 
new  delegate,  by  which  the  balance  of  power  was 
lost  to  the  Cabal. 

Even  with  the  collapse  of  the  army  Cabal  the 
opposition  in  Congress  was  maintained.  "I  am  very 
confident,"  wrote  General  Greene,  "  that  there  is 
party  business  going  on  again,  and,  as  Mifflin  is  con 
nected  with  it,  I  doubt  not  its  being  a  revival  of  the 
old  scheme  ;"  again  writing,  "  General  Schuyler  and 
others  consider  it  a  plan  of  Mifflin's  to  injure  your 
Excellency's  operations.  I  am  now  fully  convinced 
of  the  reality  of  what  I  suggested  to  you  before  I 
came  away."  In  1779  John  Sullivan,  then  a  mem 
ber  of  Congress,  wrote, — 

"Permit  me  to  inform  your  Excellency,  that  the  faction  raised 
against  you  in  1777,  is  not  yet  destroyed.  The  members  are  waiting 
to  collect  strength,  and  seize  some  favorable  moment  to  appear  in 
force.  I  speak  not  from  conjecture,  but  from  certain  knowledge. 
Their  plan  is  to  take  every  method  of  proving  the  danger  arising 
from  a  commander,  who  enjoys  the  full  and  unlimited  confidence  of 
his  army,  and  alarm  the  people  with  the  prospects  of  imaginary  evils  ; 
nay,  they  will  endeavor  to  convert  your  virtue  into  arrows,  with  which 
they  will  seek  to  wound  you." 

But  Washington  could  not  be  forced  into  a  resig 
nation,  ill-treat  and  slight  him  as  they  would,  and 
at  no  time  were  they  strong  enough  to  vote  him  out 
of  office.  For  once  a  Congressional  "deal"  be 
tween  New  England  and  Virginia  did  not  succeed, 
and  as  Washington  himself  wrote,  "  I  have  a  good 

200 


SOLDIER 

deal  of  reason  to  believe  that  the  machination  of 
this  junto  will  recoil  on  their  own  heads,  and  be  a 
means  of  bringing  some  matters  to  light  which  by 
getting  me  out  of  the  way,  some  of  them  thought 
to  conceal."  In  this  he  was  right,  for  the  re-elec 
tions  of  both  Samuel  Adams  and  Richard  Henry 
Lee  were  put  in  danger,  and  for  some  time  they 
were  discredited  even  in  their  own  colonies.  "I 
have  happily  had,"  Washington  said  to  a  corre 
spondent,  "but  few  differences  with  those  with  whom 
I  have  had  the  honor  of  being  connected  in  the 
service.  With  whom,  and  of  what  nature  these  have 
been,  you  know.  I  bore  much  for  the  sake  of  peace 
and  the  public  good." 

As  is  well  known,  Washington  served  without  pay 
during  his  eight  years  of  command,  and,  as  he  said, 
"  fifty  thousand  pounds  would  not  induce  me  again 
to  undergo  what  I  have  done."  No  wonder  he 
declared  "  that  the  God  of  armies  may  incline  the 
hearts  of  my  American  brethren  to  support  the 
present  contest,  and  bestow  sufficient  abilities  on  me 
to  bring  it  to  a  speedy  and  happy  conclusion,  thereby 
enabling  me  to  sink  into  sweet  retirement,  and  the 
full  enjoyment  of  that  peace  and  happiness,  which 
will  accompany  a  domestic  life,  is  the  first  wish  and 
most  fervent  prayer  of  my  soul." 

The  day  finally  came  when  his  work  was  finished, 
and  he  could  be,  as  he  phrased  it,  "translated  into 
a  private  citizen."  Marshall  describes  the  scene  as 
follows  :  "At  noon,  the  principal  officers  of  the 
army  assembled  at  Frances'  tavern ;  soon  after  which, 
their  beloved  commander  entered  the  room.  His 

291 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

emotions  were  too  strong  to  be  concealed.  Filling 
a  glass,  he  turned  to  them  and  said,  '  With  a  heart 
full  of  love  and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of  you  : 
I  most  devoutly  wish  that  your  latter  days  may  be 
as  prosperous  and  happy,  as  your  former  ones  have 
been  glorious  and  honorable.'  Having  drunk,  he 
added,  '  I  cannot  come  to  each  of  you  to  take  my 
leave  ;  but  shall  be  obliged  to  you,  if  each  of  you 
will  come  and  take  me  by  the  hand.'  General  Knox, 
being  nearest,  turned  to  him.  Incapable  of  utter 
ance,  Washington  grasped  his  hand,  and  embraced 
him.  In  the  same  affectionate  manner  he  took  leave 
of  each  succeeding  officer.  In  every  eye  was  the 
tear  of  dignified  sensibility,  and  not  a  word  was 
articulated  to  interrupt  the  majestic  silence,  and  the 
tenderness  of  the  scene.  Leaving  the  room,  he 
passed  through  the  corps  of  light  infantry,  and 
walked  to  Whitehall,  where  a  barge  waited  to  con 
vey  him  to  Powles-hook.  The  whole  company  fol 
lowed  in  mute  and  solemn  procession,  with  dejected 
countenance.  .  .  .  Having  entered  the  barge,  he 
turned  to  the  company,  and,  waving  his  hat,  bade 
them  a  silent  adieu." 


292 


XII 

CITIZEN    AND    OFFICE-HOLDER 

WASHINGTON  became  a  government  servant  before 
he  became  a  voter,  by  receiving  in  1749,  or  when 
he  was  seventeen  years  of  age,  the  appointment  of 
official  surveyor  of  Culpepper  County,  the  salary  of 
which,  according  to  Boucher,  was  about  fifty  pounds 
Virginia  currency  a  year.  The  office  was  certainly 
not  a  very  fat  berth,  for  it  required  the  holder  to  live 
in  a  frontier  county,  to  travel  at  times,  as  Washington 
in  his  journal  noted,  over  "ye  worst  Road  that  ever 
was  trod  by  Man  or  Beast,"  to  sometimes  lie  on 
straw,  which  once  "catch'd  a  Fire,"  and  we  "was 
luckily  Preserv'd  by  one  of  our  Mens  waking," 
sometimes  under  a  tent,  which  occasionally  "was 
Carried  quite  of[f]  with  ye  Wind  and"  we  "was 
obliged  to  Lie  ye  Latter  part  of  ye  night  without 
covering,"  and  at  other  times  driven  from  under  the 
tent  by  smoke.  Indeed,  one  period  of  surveying 
Washington  described  to  a  friend  by  writing, — 

11  [Since]  October  Last  I  have  not  sleep'd  above  three  Nights  or 
four  in  a  bed  but  after  Walking  a  good  deal  all  the  Day  lay  down 
before  the  fire  upon  a  Little  Hay  Straw  Fodder  or  bearskin  which 
ever  is  to  be  had  with  Man  Wife  and  Children  like  a  Parcel  of  Dogs 
or  Catts  &  happy's  he  that  gets  the  Birth  nearest  the  fire  there's 
nothing  would  make  it  pass  of  tolerably  but  a  good  Reward  a  Dub- 
bleloon  is  my  constant  gain  every  Day  that  the  Weather  will  per 
mit  my  going  out  and  some  time  Six  Pistoles  the  coldness  of  the 

293 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Weather  will  not  allow  ray  making  a  long  stay  as  the  Lodging  is 
rather  too  cold  for  the  time  of  Year  I  have  never  had  my  Cloths 
of  but  lay  and  sleep  in  them  like  a  Negro  except  the  few  Nights  I 
have  lay'n  in  Frederick  Town." 

In  1751,  when  he  was  nineteen,  Washington  bet 
tered  his  lot  by  becoming  adjutant  of  one  of  the 
four  military  districts  of  Virginia,  with  a  salary  of 
one  hundred  pounds  and  a  far  less  toilsome  occupa 
tion.  This  in  turn  led  up  to  his  military  appoint 
ment  in  1754,  which  he  held  almost  continuously 
till  1759,  when  he  resigned  from  the  service. 

Next  to  a  position  on  the  Virginia  council,  a  seat 
in  the  House  of  Burgesses,  or  lower  branch  of  the 
Legislature,  was  most  sought,  and  this  position  had 
been  held  by  Washington's  great-grandfather,  father, 
and  elder  brother.  It  was  only  natural,  therefore, 
that  in  becoming  the  head  of  the  family  George 
should  desire  the  position.  As  early  as  1755,  while 
on  the  frontier,  he  wrote  to  his  brother  in  charge  of 
Mount  Vernon  inquiring  about  the  election  to  be 
held  in  the  county,  and  asking  him  to  "come  at 
Colo  Fairfax's  intentions,  and  let  me  know  whether 
he  purposes  to  offer  himself  as  a  candidate."  "If 
he  does  not,  I  should  be  glad  to  take  a  poll,  if  I 
thought  my  chance  tolerably  good."  His  friend 
Carlyle,  Washington  wrote,  had  "  mentioned  it  to 
me  in  Williamsburg  in  a  bantering  way,"  and  he 
begged  his  brother  to  "  discover  Major  Carlyle's  real 
sentiments  on  this  head,"  as  also  those  of  the  other 
prominent  men  of  the  county,  and  especially  of  the 
clergymen.  "Sound  their  pulse,"  he  wrote,  "with 
an  air  of  indifference  and  unconcern  .  .  .  without 

.294 


JOURNAL 

O      F 

Major    George  Ji^a 


SENT    BY    THE 

Hon.  ROBERT  DINWIDDlE,  Efq; 
His  Majeity  s  Lieutenant-Governor,  and 
Commander  in  Chief  of  V  I  R  G  IN  1  4, 

TO        T    H    K 

COMMANDANT 

O  P    T  H  1 

FRENCH    FORCES 

O  N 

OHIO. 

To    WHICH     ARI    ADD10,    T*I 

GOVERNOR'S   LETTER, 

ANJ>  ATRANSLATIONoF  TH* 
FRINCH    OFFICER'S    ANSWER 

WILLIAM  SBURGi 
Printcdby  WILLIAM  HUNTER.    1754 

TITLE-PAGE   OF    WASHINGTON'S   JOURNAL 


CITIZEN  AND   OFFICE-HOLDER 

disclosing  much  of  mine"  " If  they  seem  inclinable 
to  promote  my  interest,  and  things  should  be  draw 
ing  to  a  crisis,  you  may  declare  my  intention  and 
beg  their  assistance.  If  on  the  contrary  you  find 
them  more  inclined  to  favor  some  other,  I  would 
have  the  affair  entirely  dropped."  Apparently  the 
county  magnates  disapproved,  for  Washington  did 
not  stand  for  the  county. 

In  1757  an  election  for  burgesses  was  held  in 
Frederick  County,  in  which  Washington  then  was 
(with  his  soldiers),  and  for  which  he  offered  himself 
as  a  candidate.  The  act  was  hardly  a  wise  one,  for, 
though  he  had  saved  Winchester  and  the  surround 
ing  country  from  being  overrun  by  the  Indians,  he 
was  not  popular.  Not  merely  was  he  held  respon 
sible  for  the  massacres  of  outlying  inhabitants,  whom 
it  was  impossible  to  protect,  but  in  this  very  defence 
he  had  given  cause  for  ill-feeling.  He  himself  con 
fessed  that  he  had  several  times  "strained  the  law," 
— he  had  been  forced  to  impress  the  horses  and 
wagons  of  the  district,  and  had  in  other  ways  so 
angered  some  of  the  people  that  they  had  threatened 
"  to  blow  out  my  brains."  But  he  had  been  guilty 
of  a  far  worse  crime  still  in  a  political  sense.  Vir 
ginia  elections  were  based  on  liquor,  and  Washing 
ton  had  written  to  the  governor,  representing  "  the 
great  nuisance  the  number  of  tippling  houses  in 
Winchester  are  to  the  soldiers,  who  by  this  means, 
in  spite  of  the  utmost  care  and  vigilance,  are,  so 
long  as  their  pay  holds,  incessantly  drunk  and  unfit 
for  service,"  and  he  wished  that  "the  new  commis 
sion  for  this  county  may  have  the  intended  effect," 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

for  "  the  number  of  tippling  houses  kept  here  is  a 
great  grievance."  As  already  noted,  the  Virginia 
regiment  was  accused  in  the  papers  of  drunkenness, 
and  under  the  sting  of  that  accusation  Washington 
declared  war  on  the  publicans.  He  whipped  his 
men  when  they  became  drunk,  kept  them  away  from 
the  ordinaries,  and  even  closed  by  force  one  tavern 
which  was  especially  culpable.  "Were  it  not  too 
tedious,"  he  wrote  the  governor,  "  I  cou'd  give  your 
Honor  such  instances  of  the  villainous  Behavior  of 
those  Tippling  House-keepers,  as  wou'd  astonish 
any  person." 

The  conduct  was  admirable,  but  it  was  not  good 
politics,  and  as  soon  as  he  offered  himself  as  a  can 
didate,  the  saloon  element,  under  the  leadership  of 
one  Lindsay,  whose  family  were  tavern-keepers  in 
Winchester  for  at  least  one  hundred  years,  united  to 
oppose  him.  Against  the  would-be  burgess  they  set 
up  one  Captain  Thomas  Swearingen,  whom  Wash 
ington  later  described  as  "a  man  of  great  weight 
among  the  meaner  class  of  people,  and  supposed  by 
them  to  possess  extensive  knowledge."  As  a  result, 
the  poll  showed  Swearingen  elected  by  two  hundred 
and  seventy  votes,  and  Washington  defeated  with  but 
forty  ballots. 

This  sharp  experience  in  practical  politics  seems  to 
have  taught  the  young  candidate  a  lesson,  for  when 
a  new  election  came  in  1758  he  took  a  leaf  from 
his  enemy's  book,  and  fought  them  with  their  own 
weapons.  The  friendly  aid  of  the  county  boss, 
Colonel  John  Wood,  was  secured,  as  also  that  of 
Gabriel  Jones,  a  man  of  much  local  force  and  popu- 

296 


CITIZEN  AND   OFFICE-HOLDER 

larity.  Scarcely  less  important  were  the  sinews  of 
war  employed,  told  of  in  the  following  detailed  ac 
count.  A  law  at  that  time  stood  on  the  Virginia 
statutes  forbidding  all  treating  or  giving  of  what 
were  called  "ticklers"  to  the  voters,  and  declaring 
illegal  all  elections  which  were  thus  influenced. 
None  the  less,  the  voters  of  Frederick  enjoyed  at 
Washington's  charge — 

40  gallons  of  Rum  Punch  @  3/6  pr.  gain    ..700 

15  gallons  of  Wine  @  io/  pr.  gain 7  10  o 

Dinner  for  your  Friends 3     °° 

l$)4  gallons  of  Wine  @  io/ 6  15 

$yz  pts.  of  Brandy  ©1/3 4  4^ 

13  Galls.  Beer  @  1/3 16  3 

8  qts.  Cyder  Royl  @  1/6 o  12  o 

Punch 39 

30  gallns.  of  strong  beer  @  8d  pr.  gall    ...  I  o 

I  hhd  &  I  Barrell  of  Punch,  consisting  of 

26  gals,  best  Barbadoes  rum,  5/    *    .  6  IO  o 

12  Ibs.  S.  Refd.  Sugar  1/6     .    .    .    .  18  9 

3  galls,  and  3  quarts  of  Beer  @  I/  pr.  gall.  .    .  39 

io  Bowls  of  Punch  @  2/6  each I     50 

9  half  pints  of  rum  @  7^  d.  each 5  7)^ 

I  pint  of  wine I  6 

After  the  election  was  over,  Washington  wrote 
Wood  that  "  I  hope  no  Exception  was  taken  to  any 
that  voted  against  me,  but  that  all  were  alike  treated, 
and  all  had  enough.  My  only  fear  is  that  you  spent 
with  too  sparing  a  hand."  It  is  hardly  necessary  to 
say  that  such  methods  reversed  the  former  election ; 
Washington  secured  three  hundred  and  ten  votes, 
and  Swearingen  received  forty-five.  What  is  more, 
so  far  from  now  threatening  to  blow  out  his  brains, 
there  was  "  a  general  applause  and  huzzaing  for 

Colonel  Washington." 

297 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

From  this  time  until  he  took  command  of  the 
army  Washington  was  a  burgess.  Once  again  he 
was  elected  from  Frederick  County,  and  then,  in 
1765,  he  stood  for  Fairfax,  in  which  Mount  Vernon 
was  located.  Here  he  received  two  hundred  and 
eight  votes,  his  colleague  getting  but  one  hundred  and 
forty-eight,  and  in  the  election  of  1768  he  received 
one  hundred  and  eighty-five,  and  his  colleague  only 
one  hundred  and  forty-two.  Washington  spent  be 
tween  forty  and  seventy-five  pounds  at  each  of  these 
elections,  and  usually  gave  a  ball  to  the  voters  on 
the  night  he  was  chosen.  Some  of  the  miscellaneous 
election  expenses  noted  in  his  ledger  are,  "  54  gallons 
of  Strong  Beer,"  "52  Do.  of  Ale,"  "£1.0.0.  to  Mr. 
John  Muir  for  his  fiddler,"  and  "  For  cakes  at  the 
Election  £7.11.1," 

The  first  duty  which  fell  to  the  new  burgess  was 
service  on  a  committee  to  draught  a  law  to  prevent 
hogs  from  running  at  large  in  Winchester.  He  was 
very  regular  in  his  attendance  ;  and  though  he  took 
little  part  in  the  proceedings,  yet  in  some  way  he 
made  his  influence  felt,  so  that  when  the  time  came 
to  elect  deputies  to  the  First  Congress  he  stood  third 
in  order  among  the  seven  appointed  to  attend  that 
body,  and  a  year  later,  in  the  delegation  to  the  Con 
tinental  Congress,  he  stood  second,  Peyton  Randolph 
receiving  one  more  vote  only,  and  all  the  other  dele 
gates  less. 

This  distinction  was  due  to  the  sound  judgment 
of  the  man  rather  than  to  those  qualities  that  are 
considered  senatorial.  Jefferson  said,  "  I  served  with 
General  Washington  in  the  legislature  of  Virginia 

298 


CITIZEN  AND   OFFICE-HOLDER 

before  the  revolution,  and,  during  it,  with  Dr.  Frank 
lin  in  Congress.  I  never  heard  either  of  them  speak 
ten  minutes  at  a  time,  nor  to  any  but  the  main  point 
which  was  to  decide  the  question.  They  laid  their 
shoulders  to  the  great  points,  knowing  that  the  little 
ones  would  follow  of  themselves." 

Through  all  his  life  Washington  was  no  speech- 
maker.  In  1758,  by  an  order  of  the  Assembly, 
Speaker  Robinson  was  directed  to  return  its  thanks 
to  Colonel  Washington,  on  behalf  of  the  colony,  for 
the  distinguished  military  services  which  he  had  ren 
dered  to  the  country.  As  soon  as  he  took  his  seat  in 
the  House,  the  Speaker  performed  this  duty  in  such 
glowing  terms  as  quite  overwhelmed  him.  Wash 
ington  rose  to  express  his  acknowledgments  for  the 
honor,  but  was  so  disconcerted  as  to  be  unable  to 
articulate  a  word  distinctly.  He  blushed  and  faltered 
for  a  moment,  when  the  Speaker  relieved  him  from 
his  embarrassment  by  saying,  "  Sit  down,  Mr.  Wash 
ington,  your  modesty  equals  your  valor,  and  that 
surpasses  the  power  of  any  language  that  I  possess." 

This  stage-fright  seems  to  have  clung  to  him. 
When  Adams  hinted  that  Congress  should  "appoint 
a  General,"  and  added,  "  I  had  no  hesitation  to  de 
clare  that  I  had  but  one  gentleman  in  my  mind  for 
that  important  command,  and  that  was  a  gentleman 
whose  skill  and  experience  as  an  officer,  whose  inde 
pendent  fortune,  great  talents,  and  excellent  universal 
character,  would  command  the  approbation  of  all 
America,  and  unite  the  cordial  exertions  of  all  the 
Colonies  better  than  any  other  person  in  the  Union," 
he  relates  that  "  Mr.  Washington  who  happened  to 

299 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

sit  near  the  door,  as  soon  as  he  heard  me  allude  to 
him,  from  his  usual  modesty,  darted  into  the  library- 
room." 

So,  too,  at  his  inauguration  as  President,  Maclay 
noted  that  "  this  great  man  was  agitated  and  embar 
rassed  more  than  ever  he  was  by  the  leveled  cannon 
or  pointed  musket  He  trembled,  and  several  times 
could  scarce  make  out  to  read  [his  speech],  though 
it  must  be  supposed  he  had  often  read  it  before," 
and  Fisher  Ames  wrote,  "  He  addressed  the  two 
Houses  in  the  Senate-chamber ;  it  was  a  very  touch 
ing  scene  and  quite  of  a  solemn  kind.  His  aspect 
grave,  almost  to  sadness;  his  modesty  actually 
shaking  ;  his  voice  deep,  a  little  tremulous,  and  so 
low  as  to  call  for  close  attention." 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  non-speech- 
making  ability  was  not  merely  the  result  of  inaptitude, 
but  was  also  a  principle,  for  when  his  favorite 
nephew  was  elected  a  burgess,  and  made  a  well- 
thought-of  speech  in  his  first  attempt,  his  uncle  wrote 
him,  "You  have,  I  find,  broke  the  ice.  The  only 
advice  I  will  offer  to  you  on  the  occasion  (if  you  have 
a  mind  to  command  the  attention  of  the  House,)  is 
to  speak  seldom,  but  to  important  subjects,  except 
such  as  particularly  relate  to  your  constituents  ;  and, 
in  the  former  case,  make  yourself  perfectly  master 
of  the  subject  Never  exceed  a  decent  warmth,  and 
submit  your  sentiments  with  diffidence.  A  dicta 
torial  stile,  though  it  may  carry  conviction,  is  always 
accompanied  with  disgust."  To  a  friend  writing  of 
this  same  speech  he  said,  "with  great  pleasure  I 
received  the  information  respecting  the  commence- 

300 


CITIZEN  AND   OFFICE-HOLDER 

ment  of  my  nephew's  political  course.  I  hope  he 
will  not  be  so  bouyed  by  the  favorable  impression 
it  has  made,  as  to  become  a  babbler." 

Even  more  indicative  of  his  own  conceptions  of 
senatorial  conduct  is  advice  given  in  a  letter  to  Jack 
Custis,  when  the  latter,  too,  achieved  an  election  to 
the  Assembly. 

"I  do  not  suppose,"  he  wrote,  "that  so  young  a  senator  as  you 
are,  little  versed  in  political  disquisitions,  can  yet  have  much  influ 
ence  in  a  populous  assembly,  composed  of  Gentln.  of  various  talents 
and  of  different  views.  But  it  is  in  your  power  to  be  punctual  in 
your  attendance  (and  duty  to  the  trust  reposed  in  you  exacts  it  of 
you),  to  hear  dispassionately  and  determine  coolly  all  great  questions. 
To  be  disgusted  at  the  decision  of  questions,  because  they  are  not 
consonant  to  your  own  ideas,  and  to  withdraw  ourselves  from  public 
assemblies,  or  to  neglect  our  attendance  at  them,  upon  suspicion 
that  there  is  a  party  formed,  who  are  inimical  to  our  cause,  and  to 
the  true  interest  of  our  country,  is  wrong,  because  these  things  may 
originate  in  a  difference  of  opinion  ;  but,  supposing  the  fact  is  other 
wise,  and  that  our  suspicions  are  well  founded,  it  is  the  indispensable 
duty  of  every  patriot  to  counteract  them  by  the  most  steady  and 
uniform  opposition." 

In  the  Continental  Congress,  Randolph  states, 
"Washington  was  prominent,  though  silent.  His 
looks  bespoke  a  mind  absorbed  in  meditation  on  his 
country's  fate  ;  but  a  positive  concert  between  him 
and  Henry  could  not  more  effectually  have  exhibited 
him  to  view,  than  when  Henry  ridiculed  the  idea  of 
peace  'when  there  was  no  peace,'  and  enlarged  on 
the  duty  of  preparing  for  war."  Very  quickly  his 
attendance  on  that  body  was  ended  by  its  appointing 
him  general. 

His  political  relations  to  the  Congress  have  been 
touched  upon  elsewhere,  but  his  attitude  towards 

301 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Great  Britain  is  worth  attention.  Very  early  he  had 
said,  "At  a  time  when  our  lordly  masters  in  Great 
Britain  will  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  the 
deprivation  of  American  freedom,  it  seems  highly 
necessary  that  something  should  be  done  to  avert 
the  stroke,  and  maintain  the  liberty,  which  we  have 
derived  from  our  ancestors.  But  the  manner  of  doing 
it,  to  answer  the  purpose  effectually,  is  the  point  in 
question.  That  no  man  should  scruple,  or  hesitate  a 
moment,  to  use  a — s  in  defence  of  so  valuable  a  bless 
ing,  on  which  all  the  good  and  evil  of  life  depends, 
is  clearly  my  opinion."  When  actual  war  ensued,  he 
was  among  the  first  to  begin  to  collect  and  drill  a 
force,  even  while  he  wrote,  "  unhappy  it  is,  though  to 
reflect,  that  a  brother's  sword  has  been  sheathed  in  a 
brother's  breast,  and  that  the  once  happy  and  peace 
ful  plains  of  America  are  either  to  be  drenched 
with  blood  or  inhabited  by  slaves.  Sad  alternative  ! 
But  can  a  virtuous  man  hesitate  in  his  choice?" 

Not  till  early  in  1776  did  he  become  a  convert  to 
independence,  and  then  only  by  such  "  flaming  argu 
ments  as  were  exhibited  at  Falmouth  and  Norfolk," 
which  had  been  burned  by  the  British.  At  one  time, 
in  1776,  he  thought  "  the  game  will  be  pretty  well 
up,"  but  "  under  a  full  persuasion  of  the  justice  of 
our  cause,  I  cannot  entertain  an  Idea,  that  it  will 
finally  sink,  tho'  it  may  remain  for  some  time  under 
a  cloud,"  and  even  in  this  time  of  terrible  discourage 
ment  he  maintained  that  "  nothing  short  of  indepen 
dence,  it  appears  to  me,  can  possibly  do.  A  peace 
on  other  terms  would,  if  I  may  be  allowed  the  ex 
pression,  be  a  peace  of  war." 

302 


CITIZEN  AND  OFFICE-HOLDER 

Pickering,  who  placed  a  low  estimate  on  his  mili 
tary  ability,  said  that,  "  upon  the  whole,  I  have  no 
hesitation  in  saying  that  General  Washington's 
talents  were  much  better  adapted  to  the  Presidency 
of  the  United  States  than  to  the  command  of  their 
armies,"  and  this  is  probably  true.  The  diplomatist 
Thornton  said  of  the  President,  that  if  his  "  circum 
spection  is  accompanied  by  discernment  and  penetra 
tion,  as  I  am  informed  it  is,  and  as  I  should  be 
inclined  to  believe  from  the  judicious  choice  he  has 
generally  made  of  persons  to  fill  public  stations,  he 
possesses  the  two  great  requisites  of  a  statesman,  the 
faculty  of  concealing  his  own  sentiments  and  of  dis 
covering  those  of  other  men." 

To  follow  his  course  while  President  is  outside 
of  the  scope  of  this  work,  but  a  few  facts  are  worth 
noting.  Allusion  has  already  been  made  to  his  use 
of  the  appointing  power,  but  how  clearly  he  held  it 
as  a  "  public  trust"  is  shown  in  a  letter  to  his  long 
time  friend  Benjamin  Harrison,  who  asked  him  for  an 
office.  "I  will  go  to  the  chair,"  he  replied,  "under 
no  pre-engagement  of  any  kind  or  nature  whatso 
ever.  But,  when  in  it,  to  the  best  of  my  judgment, 
discharge  the  duties  of  the  office  with  that  impar 
tiality  and  zeal  for  the  public  good,  which  ought 
never  to  suffer  connection  of  blood  or  friendship  to 
intermingle  so  as  to  have  the  least  sway  on  the 
decision  of  a  public  nature."  This  position  was  held 
to  firmly.  John  Adams  wrote  an  office-seeker,  "  I 
must  caution  you,  my  dear  Sir,  against  having  any 
dependence  on  my  influence  or  that  o/  any  other 
person.  No  man,  I  believe,  has  influence  with  the 

303 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

President.  He  seeks  information  from  all  quarters, 
and  judges  more  independently  than  any  man  I  ever 
knew.  It  is  of  so  much  importance  to  the  public 
that  he  should  preserve  this  superiority,  that  I  hope 
I  shall  never  see  the  time  that  any  man  will  have 
influence  with  him  beyond  the  powers  of  reason  and 
argument." 

Long  after,  when  political  strife  was  running  high, 
Adams  said,  "  Washington  appointed  a  multitude  of 
democrats  and  jacobins  of  the  deepest  die.  I  have 
been  more  cautious  in  this  respect;  but  there  is 
danger  of  proscribing  under  imputations  of  democ 
racy,  some  of  the  ablest,  most  influential,  and  best 
characters  in  the  Union."  In  this  he  was  quite  cor 
rect,  for  the  first  President's  appointments  were  made 
with  a  view  to  destroy  party  and  not  create  it,  his 
object  being  to  gather  all  the  talent  of  the  country 
in  support  of  the  national  government,  and  he  bore 
many  things  which  personally  were  disagreeable  in 
an  endeavor  to  do  this. 

Twice  during  Washington's  terms  he  was  forced 
to  act  counter  to  the  public  sentiment.  The  first 
time  was  when  a  strenuous  attempt  was  made  by  the 
French  minister  to  break  through  the  neutrality  that 
had  been  proclaimed,  when,  according  to  John 
Adams,  "ten  thousand  people  in  the  streets  of 
Philadelphia,  day  after  day,  threatened  to  drag 
Washington  out  of  his  house,  and  effect  a  revolution 
in  the  government,  or  compel  it  to  declare  in  favor 
of  the  French  revolution  and  against  England." 
The  second  time  was  when  he  signed  the  treaty  of 
1795  with  Great  Britain,  which  produced  a  popular 

3£4 


CITIZEN  AND   OFFICE-HOLDER 

outburst  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other. 
In  neither  case  did  Washington  swerve  an  iota  from 
what  he  thought  right,  writing,  "  these  are  unpleasant 
things,  but  they  must  be  met  with  firmness."  Eventu 
ally  the  people  always  came  back  to  their  leader, 
and  Jefferson  sighed  over  the  fact  that  "such  is  the 
popularity  of  the  President  that  the  people  will  sup 
port  him  in  whatever  he  will  do  or  will  not  do,  with 
out  appealing  to  their  own  reason  or  to  anything  but 
their  feelings  towards  him." 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  from  this  that  Washing 
ton  was  above  considering  the  popular  bent,  or  was 
lacking  in  political  astuteness.  John  Adams  asserted 
that  "  General  Washington,  one  of  the  most  atten 
tive  men  in  the  world  to  the  manner  of  doing  things, 
owed  a  great  proportion  of  his  celebrity  to  this  cir 
cumstance,"  and  frequently  he  is  to  be  found  con 
sidering  the  popularity  or  expediency  of  courses. 
In  1776  he  said,  "I  have  found  it  of  importance 
and  highly  expedient  to  yield  to  many  points  in  fact, 
without  seeming  to  have  done  it,  and  this  to  avoid 
bringing  on  a  too  frequent  discussion  of  matters 
which  in  a  political  view  ought  to  be  kept  a  little 
behind  the  curtain,  and  not  to  be  made  too  much 
the  subjects  of  disquisition.  Time  only  can  eradi 
cate  and  overcome  customs  and  prejudices  of  long 
standing — they  must  be  got  the  better  of  by  slow 
and  gradual  advances." 

Elsewhere  he  wrote,  "  In  a  word,  if  a  man  cannot 

act  in  all  respects  as  he  would  wish,  he  must  do 

what  appears  best,  under  the  circumstances  he  is  in. 

This  I  aim  at,  however  short  I  may  fall  of  the  end  ;' ' 

20  3°5 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

of  a  certain  measure  he  thought,  "  it  has,  however, 
like  many  other  things  in  which  I  have  been  involved, 
two  edges,  neither  of  which  can  be  avoided  without 
falling  on  the  other  ;"  and  that  even  in  small  things 
he  tried  to  be  politic  is  shown  in  his  journey  through 
New  England,  when  he  accepted  an  invitation  to  a 
large  public  dinner  at  Portsmouth,  and  the  next  day, 
being  at  Exeter,  he  wrote  in  his  diary,  "a  jealousy 
subsists  between  this  town  (where  the  Legislature 
alternately  sits)  and  Portsmouth ;  which,  had  I 
known  it  in  time,  would  have  made  it  necessary  to 
have  accepted  an  invitation  to  a  public  dinner,  but 
my  arrangements  having  been  otherwise  made,  I 
could  not" 

Nor  was  Washington  entirely  lacking  in  finesse. 
He  offered  Patrick  Henry  a  position  after  having  first 
ascertained  in  a  roundabout  manner  that  it  would 
be  refused,  and  in  many  other  ways  showed  that  he 
understood  good  politics.  Perhaps  the  neatest  of 
his  dodges  was  made  when  the  French  revolutionist 
Volney  asked  him  for  a  general  letter  of  introduc 
tion  to  the  American  people.  This  was  not,  for 
political  and  personal  reasons,  a  thing  Washington 
cared  to  give,  yet  he  did  not  choose  to  refuse,  so 
he  wrote  on  a  sheet  of  paper, — 

"C.  Volney 

needs  no  recommendation  from 

Geo.  Washington." 

There  is  a  very  general  belief  that  success  in 
politics  and  truthfulness  are  incompatible,  yet,  as 
already  shown,  Washington  prospered  in  politics,  and 

306 


CITIZEN   AND   OFFICE-HOLDER 

the  Rev.  Mason  L.  Weems  is  authority  for  the  popu 
lar  statement  that  at  six  years  of  age  George  could 
not  tell  a  lie.  Whether  this  was  so,  or  whether  Mr. 
Weems  was  drawing  on  his  imagination  for  his  facts, 
it  seems  probable  that  Washington  partially  outgrew 
the  disability  in  his  more  mature  years. 

When  trying  to  win  the  Indians  to  the  English 
cause  in  1754,  Washington  in  his  journal  states  that 
he  "  let  the  young  Indians  who  were  in  our  camp 
know  that  the  French  wanted  to  kill  the  Half  King," 
a  diplomatic  statement  he  hardly  believed,  which  the 
writer  says  "had  its  desired  effect,"  and  which  the 
French  editor  declared  to  be  an  "  imposture."  In 
this  same  campaign  he  was  forced  to  sign  a  capitula 
tion  which  acknowledged  that  he  had  been  guilty  of 
assassination,  and  this  raised  such  a  storm  in  Virginia 
when  it  became  known  that  Washington  hastened  to 
deny  all  knowledge  of  the  charge  having  been  con 
tained  among  the  articles,  and  alleged  that  it  had 
not  been  made  clear  to  him  when  the  paper  had 
been  translated  and  read.  On  the  contrary,  another 
officer  present  at  the  reading  states  that  he  refused 
to  "sign  the  Capitulation  because  they  charged  us 
with  Assasination  in  it." 

In  writing  to  an  Indian  agent  in  1755,  Washington 
was  "  greatly  enraptured"  at  hearing  of  his  approach, 
dwelt  upon  the  man's  "hearty  attachment  to  our 
glorious  Cause"  and  his  "Courage  of  which  I  have 
had  very  great  proofs."  Inclosing  a  copy  of  the 
letter  to  the  governor,  Washington  said,  "  the  letter 
savors  a  little  of  flattery  &c.,  &c.,  but  this,  I  hope  is 
justifiable  on  such  an  occasion." 

307 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

With  his  London  agent  there  was  a  little  diffi 
culty  in  1771,  and  Washington  objected  to  a  letter 
received  "  because  there  is  one  paragraph  in  particu 
lar  in  it  ...  which  appears  to  me  to  contain  an 
implication  of  my  having  deviated  from  the  truth." 
A  more  general  charge  was  Charles  Lee's  :  "  I  aver 
that  his  Excellencies  letter  was  from  beginning  to 
the  end  a  most  abominable  lie." 

As  a  ruse  de  guerre  Washington  drew  up  for  a  spy 
in  1 779  a  series  of  false  statements  as  to  the  position 
and  number  of  his  army  for  him  to  report  to  the 
British.  And  in  preparation  for  the  campaign  of 
1781  "much  trouble  was  taken  and  finesse  used  to 
misguide  and  bewilder  Sir  Henry  Clinton  by  making 
a  deceptive  provision  of  ovens,  forage  and  boats  in 
his  neighborhood."  "Nor  were  less  pains  taken  to 
deceive  our  own  army,"  and  even  "the  highest  mili 
tary  as  well  as  civil  officers"  were  deceived  at  this 
time,  not  merely  that  the  secret  should  not  leak  out, 
but  also  "  for  the  important  purpose  of  inducing  the 
eastern  and  middle  states  to  make  greater  exer 
tions." 

When  travelling  through  the  South  in  1791,  Wash 
ington  entered  in  his  diary,  "  Having  suffered  very 
much  by  the  dust  yesterday — and  finding  that  parties 
of  Horse,  &  a  number  of  other  Gentlemen  were  in 
tending  to  attend  me  part  of  the  way  today,  I  caused 
their  enquiries  respecting  the  time  of  my  setting  out, 
to  be  answered  that,  I  should  endeavor  to  do  it  be 
fore  eight  o'clock ;  but  I  did  it  a  little  after  five, 
by  which  means  I  avoided  the  inconveniences  above 

mentioned." 

308 


CITIZEN  AND  OFFICE-HOLDER 

Weld,  in  his  "Travels  in  America,"  published  that 
"  General  Washington  told  me  that  he  never  was  so 
much  annoyed  by  the  mosquitos  in  any  part  of 
America  as  in  Skenesborough,  for  that  they  used  to 
bite  through  the  thickest  boot."  When  this  anec 
dote  appeared  in  print,  good  old  Dr.  Dwight,  shocked 
at  the  taradiddle,  and  fearing  its  evil  influence  on 
Washington's  fame,  spoiled  the  joke  by  explaining  in 
a  book  that  "  a  gentleman  of  great  respectability, 
who  was  present  when  General  Washington  made 
the  observation  referred  to,  told  me  that  he  said, 
when  describing  those  mosquitoes  to  Mr.  Weld,  that 
they  '  bit  through  his  stockings  above  the  boots.'  " 
Whoever  invented  the  explanation  should  also  have 
evolved  a  type  of  boots  other  than  those  worn  by 
Washington,  for  unfortunately  for  the  story  Washing 
ton's  military  boots  went  above  his  "  small  clothes," 
giving  not  even  an  inch  of  stocking  for  either  mos 
quito  or  explanation.  In  1786,  Washington  declared 
that  "  I  do  not  recollect  that  in  the  course  of  my 
life,  I  ever  forfeited  my  word,  or  broke  a  promise 
made  to  any  one,"  and  at  another  time  he  wrote, 
"  I  never  say  any  thing  of  a  Man  that  I  have  the 
smallest  scruple  of  saying  to  him." 

From  1749  till  1784,  and  from  1789  till  1797,  or  a 
period  of  forty  years,  Washington  filled  offices  of  one 
kind  or  another,  and  when  he  died  he  still  held  a  com 
mission.  Thus,  excluding  his  boyhood,  there  were 
but  seven  years  of  his  life  in  which  he  was  not  en 
gaged  in  the  public  service.  Even  after  his  retire 
ment  from  the  Presidency  he  served  on  a  grand  jury, 
and  before  this  he  had  several  times  acted  as  petit 

309 


THE  TRUE  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

juror.  In  another  way  he  was  a  good  citizen,  for 
when  at  Mount  Vernon  he  invariably  attended  the 
election,  rain  or  shine,  though  it  was  a  ride  of  ten 
miles  to  the  polling  town. 

Both  his  enemies  and  his  friends  bore  evidence  to 
his  honesty.  Jefferson  said,  "  his  integrity  was  most 
pure,  his  justice  the  most  inflexible  I  have  ever 
known,  no  motives  of  interest  or  consanguinity  or 
friendship  or  hatred,  being  able  to  bias  his  decision. 
He  was  indeed  in  every  sense  of  the  words,  a  wise,  a 
good,  and  a  great  man."  Pickering  wrote  that  "to 
the  excellency  of  his  virtues  I  am  not  disposed  to 
set  any  limits.  All  his  views  were  upright,  all  his 
actions  just."  Hamilton  asserted  that  "the  General 
is  a  very  honest  Man  ;"  and  Tilghman  spoke  of  him 
as  "  the  honestest  man  that  I  believe  ever  adorned 
human  nature." 


310 


Index. 


ADAMS,  John,  opinion  of  Wash-      Battle  of  Brooklyn,  a  farce,  107 


ington,  256 ;  use  of  appointing 
power,  36,  304 ;  deal  arranged 
by,  285  ;  dislike  of  Washington, 
94,  256  ;  quoted,  83,  94,  165,  227, 
256,  286,  303-5. 

,  Samuel,  opposed  to  Wash 
ington,  286,  291. 

Agriculture,  Washington's  fond 
ness  for,  112. 

Ague,  Washington's  attacks  of,  48, 

So-i.  54- 

ALEXANDER,  Frances,  87. 
Alexandria,    assemblies    at,    184; 

Washington  builds  in,  121 ;  lots 

in.  132. 

ALIQUIPPA,  Queen,  88. 
ALTON,  John,  154-6. 
Ames,  Fisher,  quoted,  300. 
Appleby  school,  16,  60. 
ARMSTRONG,  John,  quoted,  251. 
ARNOLD,  B.,  21. 
Asses,  breeding  of,  124. 
Aurora,  206-7,  263. 

BACHE,  B.  F.,  writes  against 
Washington,  207-8,  263-4. 

BALLS,  maternal  ancestors  of 
Washington,  17. 

Balls,  109,  183-5. 

Bank-stock,  holdings  of,  135. 

Barbadoes,  Washington's  visit  to, 
23,  48.  88,  igA  199. 

BARD,  Dr.,  quoted,  52. 

BASSETT,  Burwell,  29,  97. 

,  Frances,  28. 

Bath,  Virginia,  lots  in,  132. 


Billiards,  199. 
BISHOP,  Thomas,  155. 
j  BLAND,  Mary,  86. 

j  ,  T.,   criticises  Washington's 

bow,  174. 
j  "  Blueskin,"  195. 
j   Books,  61-3,  201-5. 
I   Boston,  siege  of,  98,  274. 
BOUCHER,   Rev.  J.,  quoted,   60, 

68,  108;  mentioned,  71. 
Bounties,  130,  281,  287. 
BRADDOCK,  Edward,  Washington 
and,  18,  49,  216;  defeat  of,  214, 
265,  271-2;  march  of,  269,  273; 
mentioned,  74,  89. 
Brasenose      College,      Lawrence 

Washington  a  fellow  of,  15. 
BRISSOT  de  Warville,  quoted,  42. 
British  forgeries,  107. 
Brixted  Parva,   Lawrence  Wash 
ington  rector  of,  16. 
BROGLIE,  Prince  de,  quoted,  194, 

247. 
Brooklyn,  battle  of,  47,  270,  275. 

CALLENDER,  James  Thomson, 
publications  of,  265. 

CALVERT,  Eleanor,  marriage  with 
Jack  Custis,  31 ;  visit  to  Cam 
bridge,  32,  107  ;  remarriage,  104. 

Cambridge,  head-quarters  at,  98  ; 
mentioned,  32,  52. 

CAMPBELL,  A.,  portrait  of  Wash 
ington  by,  47. 

Cancer,  George  Washington's,  54  ,- 
Mary  Washington's,  21. 


311 


INDEX 


Capital.     See  Washington  City. 

Cards,  198. 

CARLYLE,  Washington's  friend 
ship  for,  209. 

— — ,  Major,  294. 

,  Sally,  91. 

CARROLL,  Charles,  222. 

GARY,  Mary,  85. 

"  Cato,"  201. 

"Centinel,"  205. 

Charity,  Washington's,  160-2, 
235-6. 

Charleston,  ladies  of,  visit  Wash 
ington,  no;  jackass  at,  125. 

CHASTELLUX,  Marquis  de, 
quoted,  41,  168,  195;  marriage 
of,  103. 

Children  and  Washington,  235-7. 

Christ  Church,  78,  82. 

Christianity,  Washington's  view 
of,  76-83. 

CLARK,  Abraham,  opinion  of 
Washington,  257. 

CLINTON,  George,  Washington's 
investment  with,  132. 

,  Sir  H.,  308;  Washington's 

relations  with,  243. 

Clothes,  Washington's  taste  in, 
186. 

Clubs,  Washington's  share  in,  164. 

COBB,  David,  quoted,  56  ;  at  York- 
town,  270. 

COBBETT,  William,  quoted,  263. 

Colds,  Washington's  treatment  of, 
56,  58. 

Commissariat,  283. 

Congress,  Continental,  Washing 
ton's  relations  with,  248-9,  256- 
7 ;  jealousy  of  Washington  and 
the  army,  286-7 ;  endeavors  to 
insult  Washington,  288  ;  part  in 
the  Conway  cabal,  288-290; 
Washington's  election  to,  298 ; 
Washington  in,  301. 

Connecticut  troops,  misconduct  of, 
280. 


"  Conotocarius,"  Indian  name  for 
Washington,  16,  212. 

Continental  army,  80  ;  sickness  of, 
284;  farewell  to,  291 ;  small-pox 
in  i  55 1  threatened  mutiny  of, 
48,  56. 

Conway  Cabal,  215,  220,  222,  231, 
245-52,  289-90. 

CONWAY,  Thomas,  Washington's 
relations  with,  248-50,  252. 

CORBIN,  Richard,  218. 

CORNWALLIS,  Lord,  Washing 
ton's  relations  with,  244-5. 

Craigie  house,  98. 

CRAIK,  Dr.  James,  Washington's 
friendship  for,  215 ;  bleeds  Wash 
ington,  59. 

CULPEPER,  Lord,  113,  210. 

Culpeper  County,  293. 

CUSTIS,  Eleanor  P.,  23,  33 ;  mar 
riage  to  L.  Lewis,  34;  quoted, 
82,  179. 

,  G.  W.  P.,  education,  34, 

72  ;  quoted,  55,  193  ;  acts,  202. 

,  John  Parke,  relations  with 

Washington,  30,  96-7 ;  educa 
tion,  71. 

,  Martha.  See  Washington, 

Martha. 

,  Martha  ("  Patsy"),  relations 

of  Washington  with,  29,  96 ; 
death,  96;  treatment  of,  55; 
property,  94. 

property,  32,  94,  131,  203. 

Dancing,   Washington's   fondness 

of,  183-5. 

DANDRIDGE,  Bartholomew,  29. 
,  Martha.      See   Washington, 

Martha. 

,  Mrs.  29. 

DEANE,  Silas,  quoted,  45. 
DE  BUTTS,  Lawrence,  76. 
Democratic  criticism  of  Washing- 

ington,  174. 
DENT,  Elizabeth,  90. 


INDEX 


DICK,  Dr.,  quoted,  45. 

Dismal  Swamp  Company,  131. 

Distillery  at  Mount  Vernon,  123. 

District  of  Columbia,  73. 

Dogs,  197. 

DUANE,   William,   writes  against 

Washington,  264. 
Duelling,  Washington's  views  on, 

254;  threatened,  240. 
DUER,  W.  A.,  quoted,  202. 
DUMAS,  M.,  quoted,  236. 
DUNLAP,  W.,  quoted,  200. 
Duquesne,  Fort,  269. 

"  Eltham,"  29,  32. 

Exeter,  Bishop  of,  Sermons,  6x. 

FAIRFAX,  Ann,  210. 

,  Bryan,  Lord,  210. 

,  George  William,  89,  211. 

,  Sally,  90-1,  210. 

,  Thomas,  Lord,  130,  210. 

,  William,  294. 

Fairfax  County,  298. 

Fairfax  Parish,  77. 

Farewell  Address,  73  ;  drafting  of, 
70-1. 

Fauntleroy,  Betsy,  86,  88;  Wil 
liam,  88. 

Federal  city.  See  Washington 
City. 

Fees,  Washington's  gifts  of,  156. 

Fertilization,  Washington's  value 
of,  118. 

Fish,  Washington's   fondness   of, 

193- 

Fishery  at  Mount  Vernon,  123. 
Fishing,  198. 
Flour,  Washington's  pride  in  his, 

122. 
Forged    letters,    150;    authorship 

of,  260 ;  Bache  reprints,  263. 
Fort  Necessity,  213,  273. 
Fox  hunting,  196. 
FRANKLIN,  B.,  quoted,  279. 


Frederick     County,    Washington 

stands  for,  295. 
Fredericksburg,  61 ;  residence  of 

Mary  Washington,  18,  21. 
French  and  Indian  War,  268,  270, 

273-  278. 
French  language,  Washington  on, 

65,  71-2. 

FRENEAU,  P.,  writes  against 
Washington,  206-7,  262. 

GAGE,  Thomas,  relations  with 
Washington,  242. 

GATES,  Horatio,  Washington's 
relations  with,  245-8,  252 ;  men 
tioned,  257. 

General  orders,  quotations  from, 

79- 

Genet  episode,  304. 

GENN,  James,  Washington  learns 
surveying  from,  74. 

Germantown,  battle  of,  270,  275. 

GERRY,  Elbridge,  attitude  towards 
Washington,  257. 

GIBBONS,  Mary,  scandal  concern 
ing,  106. 

GORDON,  Rev.  W.,  quoted,  271. 

Great  Britain,  Washington's  atti 
tude  towards,  301. 

GREEN,  Rev.  Charles,  76. 

GREENE,  N.,  friendship  with 
Washington,  230;  quoted,  9, 
184,  251,  271,  277,  290. 

GRYMES,  Lucy,  86. 

Half-King,  273. 

HAMILTON,  A.,    mentioned,   64, 

66,  69-70;   quoted,  76,  175,  179, 
262,  275,  290,  310 ;  Washington's 
relations  with,  222-9. 

HARRISON,  Benjamin,  219;  letter 
of,  107  ;  asks  office,  303. 

,  R.  H.,  66. 

HKNRY  Eighth  grants  lands  to 
Washingtons,  15. 


313 


INDEX 


HENRY,  Patrick,  quoted,  83 ;  men 
tioned,  219,  252;  offered  office, 
306. 

Herring,  sales  of,  123. 

Hickey  plot,  105. 

Horses,  stud  at  Mount  Vernon, 
123,  195- 

Houdon  bust,  189. 

HOWE,  Lord,  and  Sir  William, 
Washington's  relations  with, 
242-3,  278. 

Humphreys,  D.,  quoted,  48,  194, 
224,  276 ;  relations  with  Wash 
ington,  224. 

HUNTER,  J.,  quoted,  195. 

Hunting,  196. 

Independence,  Washington  on, 
302. 

Indians,  16,  88,  212 ;  Washing 
ton's  diplomacy  with,  307. 

James  River  Land  Company, 
Washington's  interest  in,  136. 

Jay  treaty,  304. 

JEFFERSON,  Thomas,  Washing 
ton's  relations  with,  258  ;  opinion 
of  Washington,  260,  310  ;  helps 
Freneau,  263 :  quoted,  36,  45, 
57,  64,  81,  83,  175, 179, 195,  206, 
263,  269,  272,  278,  298, 305, 310 ; 
mentioned,  69,  231. 

JONES,  Gabriel,  296. 

Kenmore  House,  22. 
KNOX,  Henry,  184, 190 ;  relations 
with  Washington,  229. 

LAFAYETTE,    Marquis    de,    27; 

Washington's      relations    with, 

23I-5 ;  quoted,  260. 

'-,  G.  W.,  235. 

,  Virginia,  235. 

Land  bounties,  130. 

companies,  131. 

Latin,    Washington's    knowledge 

of,  63. 


LAURENS,  John,  Washington's  re 
lations  with,  222;  quoted,  46, 
167,  248-9,  288. 

LAWRENCE,  Nathaniel,  quoted, 
45,  195- 

Lawsuits,  Washington's  dislike  of, 
133- 

LEAR,  T.,  friendship  for,  238 ; 
quoted,  45,  58-9, 152,  208,  238-9, 
272. 

LEE,  Charles,  Washington's  rela 
tions  with,  253-5  ;  libels  Wash 
ington,  108,  222 ;  quoted,  242, 
271,  277. 

,  Henry,  friendship  for  Wash 
ington,  230-1 ;  anecdote  of, 
272 ;  warns  Washington  of  Jef 
ferson's  conduct,  258. 

,  R.  H.,  opinion  of  Washing 
ton,  257  ;  re-election  of,  291. 

,  William,  Washington's  body- 
servant,  150-2,  192,  195. 

LEWIS,  Elizabeth,  21,  194. 

,  Fielding,  18. 

, ,  Jr.,  22. 

,  Howell,  22. 

,  Lewis,  23,  34. 

,  Robert,  23. 

Lexington,  battle  of,  268. 

Liveried  servants,  155,  166,  173, 
265. 

Lotteries,  Washington's  liking  for, 
135.  238. 

LOVELL,  John,  opinion  of  Wash 
ington,  256;  quoted,  288. 

"  Lowland  Beauty,"  86,  88. 

LYNCH,  Thomas,  quoted,  268. 

McHENRY,  James,  71. 
MCKNIGHT,  Dr.  C.,  quoted,  53. 
MACLAY,  W.,  quoted,  40,  45,  53, 

57,  171-2,  201,  300. 
MADISON,  James,  relations  with 

Washington,  208,  258  ;   quoted, 

83,  227,  260 ;  drafts  papers,  69- 

70. 


INDEX 


"  Magnolia,"  195. 

MARSHALL,  J.,  quoted,  291. 

MARYE,  Rev.  T.,  Washington's 
teacher,  63. 

MASON,  George,  quoted,  254. 

Massachusetts,  difficulties  of,  285- 
6 ;  "  slam"  at  officers  of,  283. 

MASSEY,  Rev.  Lee,  quoted,  77. 

Mather's  Young  Mans  Com 
panion,  61,  74,  84. 

Matrimony,  Washington's  views 
on,  103. 

Medical  knowledge  of  Washing 
ton,  55  ;  treatment  of  last  illness, 
58. 

Medicine,  Washington's  aversion 
to,  55- 

MERCER,  George,  quoted,  38,  57. 

MIFFLIN,  Thomas,  Washington's 
relations  with,  250-2  ;  men 
tioned,  257. 

Military  Company  of  Adventurers, 

131- 

science,  books  on,  204; 

Washington's  knowledge  of, 
278. 

Militia,  evils  of,  280-2. 

"  Minutes  of  the  Trial,"  105:  au 
thority  of,  106. 

Mississippi  Company,  131. 

Monmouth,  battle  of,  47,  232,  253- 
4,  270-1,  276-7;  allusions  to, 
18,  22,  25,  31,  44,  51,  54,  60,  67, 
76,  78,  87,  89,  92,  94-5,  97,  99- 

100,  102,  113,  210,  215,  224,  232, 
298,  310. 

MORRIS,  Gouverneur,  quoted,  81 ; 
friendship  with,  220. 

,  Robert,  100,  219. 

,  Roger,  90. 

Mount  Vernon,  boyhood  home  of 
Washington,  17,  23,  209;  divi 
sion  of  estate  by  will,  23,  27,  34; 
invitation  to  visit,  19,  23,  28-9, 
31,  37,  223,  225,  228  ;  history  of, 
23,  113-6;  name,  60,  114;  house 


at,  114';  grounds,  114;  additions 
to  land,  114-6,  134;  manage 
ment  of,  116 ;  absence  of  Wash 
ington  from,  116;  system  at, 
116,  120:  work  at,  121;  fishery 
of,  123 ;  distillery  at,  123 ;  stud 
stable  of,  123-5 ;  live  stock  of, 
123-7;  profits  of,  127-8;  desire 
to  rent  farms  of,  128 ;  Washing 
ton's  superintendence  of,  128-9  • 
Washington's  life  at,  128,  163, 
176-8  ;  slaves  at,  138-40,  142-3, 
148-9,  150,  152;  overseers  of, 
157-9,  162 ;  British  visit  to,  176 ; 
hunting  at,  196;  shooting  at, 
197. 

MOYLAN,  S.,  66. 

MUSE,  George,  relations  with 
Washington,  240-1. 

Music,  Washington's  fondness  of, 
33.  75- 

"  Nelson,"  95. 

Nepotism,  Washington's  views 
on,  36,  303. 

Newburg,  threatened  revolt  of 
army  at,  48,  56. 

New  England,  opposition  to  Wash 
ington,  248  ;  jealousy  of,  285-6  ; 
arranges  deal,  286,  289-90 ; 
journey  in,  237 ;  conduct  of 
troops,  271,  281;  officers,  282, 
286. 

New  Jersey  troops,  desertion  of, 
280-81. 

New  York,  Washington's  visit  to, 
90 ;  borrows  money  for  journey 
to,  134;  head-quarters  at,  90; 
warfare  at,  in,  271 ;  Minutes  of 
ike  Trial  in,  105 ;  proposed 
attack  on,  276 ;  farewell  to  army 
at,  291 ;  presidential  house  at, 
170. 

Newspapers,  205. 

Nuts,  Washington's  fondness  for, 
194. 


3*5 


INDEX 


Oaths,  Washington's  use  of,  206, 

261,  272. 
Office-seekers,  36,  263,  266,  282, 

303- 
Ohio,  march  to,  93;  journey  to, 

188,  212,  216;  Journal,  68. 
Ohio  Company,  131. 
Old  Soldier,  199-200. 

PAINE,  Thomas,  relations  with 
Washington,  266. 

Paper  money,  depreciation  of,  131. 

Pension  of  Mary  Washington,  19. 

PEYRONEY,  Chevalier,  213. 

Philadelphia,  visit  to,  100;  fever 
at,  102,  151;  proposed  attack 
on,  275 ;  capture  of,  278-9 ; 
Presidential  house  in,  170; 
Washington's  attempted  pur 
chase  near,  132. 

PHILIPSE,  Mary,  90,  92. 

PICKERING,  Timothy,  quoted, 
64,  66,  69,  71,  165-6,  182,  276, 

303,  310- 

Pohick  Church,  76-8. 
Potomac  Canal  Company,  54,  73, 

136,  247. 
Presidency,  Washington    in    the, 

303 ;    duties  of,  53 ;  hospitality 

of,  170. 
Privateer,    Washington    tries    to 

secure  share  in,  135. 
Purleigh,  Lawrence  Washington, 

rector  of,  15. 

Raffles,  Washington's  liking  for, 

135- 

RAMSAY,  W.,  214. 

RANDOLPH,  Edmund,  Washing 
ton's  relations  with,  260 ;  quoted, 
301. 

,  John,  forges  letters,  260. 

REED,  Joseph,  sends  print  to 
Washington,  47  ;  relations  with 
Washington,  220-2  ;  quoted, 
108,  277. 


Revolution,  Washington's  service 

in,  267,  292. 

ROBIN,  Abbe,  quoted,  41. 
ROBINSON,  Beverly,  90,  218. 
,  John,  218,  299. 

ROCHAMBEAU,  Count,  244. 

ROSS,  James,  quoted,  261. 

"  Royal  Gift,"  jackass,  124. 

Rules  of  civility,  55,  61,  138. 

RUSH,  Benjamin,  anonymous  let 
ter  of,  215 ;  Washington's  rela 
tions  with,  251-2 ;  quoted,  227. 

RUTLEDGE,  E.,  220. 

St.  Clair's  defeat,  272. 
St.  Paul's  Church,  78. 
SARGENT,  J.  D.,  opinion  of  Wash 
ington,  257. 

SCOTT,  Charles,  quoted,  271. 
Servants,  Washington's,  138,  160. 
Shad,  sales  of,  123. 
Sharpless  portrait,  57. 
Sheep  at  Mount  Vernon,  126. 
Shooting,  197. 
Skenesborough,    mosquitoes     at, 

309- 

Slavery,  Washington's  views  on, 
108,  115, 153-4. 

Slaves,  Washington's,  138 ;  run 
away,  139-41 ;  carried  off  by 
British,  141 ;  sickness,  141-4 ; 
laziness,  145,  147;  punishment, 
145-6 ;  rations  of,  147 ;  thieving 
by,  148. 

Small-pox,  55  ;  Washington's  at 
tack  of,  40,  49. 

SMITH,  Rev.  W.,  quoted,  273. 

Southern  tour,  109,  175,  308. 

Spain,  king  of,  gift  of  jackass  to 
Washington,  124. 

SPEARING,  Ann,  90. 

STEARN,  Samuel,  quoted,  45, 193. 

STEWART,  R.,  214. 

STUART,  Gilbert,  opinion  on 
Washington's  face,  44;  quoted, 
272. 


INDEX 


Stuart  portrait,  57,  237. 

Stud  stable  at  Mount  Vernon,  123. 

SULLIVAN,  John,  quoted,  290. 

,  W.,  quoted,  40,  109,  173,  190. 

Sunday,  Washington's  observance 

of,  54,  78-81. 
SWEARINGEN,  Thomas,  296-7. 

Taverns,  Washington's    view  of, 

22,  158,  295. 
Tea,  Washington's  fondness  for, 

182. 
THACHER,  Dr.  James,  quoted,  39, 

184. 

Theatre,  199-202. 
THORNTON,  Edward,  quoted,  43, 

247. 
TlLGHMAN,  Tench,  Washington's 

relations  with,  222 ;  quoted,  281, 

310. 
Tobacco,  Washington's   crop  of, 

117-8. 

Trenton,  battle  of,  270,  275. 
TRUMBULL,      Jonathan,      wishes 

Washington  removed,  256. 
Truro  Parish,  76-7. 

University,  National,  Washing 
ton's  wish  for,  72-3. 

Valley  Forge,  99. 

VAN  BRAAM,  J.,  212. 

VARICK,  Richard,  193. 

VERNON,  Admiral  E.,  Mount  Ver 
non  named  after,  114. 

Virginia,  social  life  of,  164 ;  clubs, 
164;  British  invasion  of,  176, 
convention,  268  ;  land  bounties, 
130 ;  elections,  296-8  ;  agricul 
tural  system  of,  117;  deal  with 
New  England,  286,  289-90; 
Washington's  office-holding  in, 
293-8 ;  estates,  Washington's 
opinion  of,  129. 

• Regiment,  drunkenness  of, 

295- 


VOLNEY,  C.,  Washington's  diplo 
macy  with,  306. 

WADSWORTH,  J.,  quoted,  276. 

"  Wakefield,"  23,  60. 

Walpole  grant,  131. 

WANSEY,  H.,  quoted,  44. 

Warm  Springs,  visit  to,  30,  50. 

WASHINGTON,  Augustine,  16,  60, 
63,  74,  113,  138,  294. 

,  Augustine  (Jr.),  23-4. 

,  Bushrod,  26, 37  ;  letter  to,  36. 

,  Charles,  27. 

,  Elizabeth  (Betty).  See 

Fielding. 

,  Frances,  28,  101. 

,  George,  ancestors  of,  15  -t 

birth  of,  17 ;  his  resemblance  to 
the  Balls,  17 ;  relations  with  his 
mother,  17  ;  his  dislike  of  pub 
lic  recompense,  19 ;  views  on 
public  office,  36,  303-4;  finan 
cial  help  to  relatives,  19,  21,  22, 
23,  24,  25,  26,  27,  29 ;  will  of,  24, 
27,  28,  29,  37,  62,  73,  102,  152, 
156,  209,  216  ;  views  on  drinking, 
32,  158,  164,  178,  295-6;  loans, 
22,  24,  29,  214 ;  care  of  Custis 
property,  32-3 ;  adoption  of 
Custis  children,  32-3  ;  physique, 
38  ;  weight,  38,  45 ;  eyes,  39,  40, 
43,  44,  45,  46,  56;  hair,  39,  40; 
teeth,  39,  57;  nose,  39,  40,  42; 
height,  38,  39,  40,  41,  43,  45; 
mouth,  39,  42,  43 ;  expression, 

39,  42,  45,  46;   gracefulness,  39, 

40,  45,  195  ;  complexion,  39,  40, 
43  ;  pock-marked,  40 ;  modesty, 
42,  299-300 ;  manners,  39 ;  por 
traits    of,   42,    43,    45,   46,   57; 
strength,  38-45,  47;  illnesses  of, 
48-59,  92,    198,    234 ;   his  last, 
59, 102,  216,  238  ;   medicine,  his 
dislike  of,  55 ;  fall  of,  54 ;  hear 
ing.  57;   education,  60;   hand 
writing,   61-2;    spelling,   62-3; 


INDEX 


surveyor,  63,  74,  130,  136,  163, 
191-2,  210,  293  ;  secretaries  of, 
66,  127 ;  journal  to  the  Ohio, 
68 ;  messages,  69 ;  farewell  ad 
dress,  70,  73  ;  languages,  63,  65, 
71-2 ;  music,  33,  75 ;  reading, 
76,  117,  202  ;  religion,  76-83 ; 
church  attendance,  78  ;  Sunday 
conduct,  78-9,  82  ;  hunting,  79, 
196-7 ;  tolerance,  79-81 ;  love 
affairs,  85-6,  89-90,  92 ;  poetry, 
86-7 ;  Barbadoes,  visit  to,  23,  48, 
89, 192, 199 ;  Ohio,  mission  to,  68, 
88,  188,  212,  216 ;  Boston,  visit 
to,  (1756)  90;  New  York,  visit 
to,  90,  (1773)  242  I  marriage,  93  ; 
appointed  commander-in-chief, 
97,  285-6,  289 ;  matrimony,  his 
views  on,  103  ;  morality,  105- 
8 ;  forged  letters,  107,  150,  260, 
263  ;  agriculture,  fondness  for, 
112;  system,  116-20;  study  of, 
117,  204;  coat-of-arms  of,  112; 
as  farmer,  112,  117,  128;  land 
purchases  of,  114-6,  130,  131, 
132,  133 ;  invents  a  plow,  120 ; 
humor,  124,  179,  244 ;  income, 
127;  accounts,  127;  property 
of,  113-37 ;  bounty  lands  of, 
130;  investments  in  land  com 
panies,  131  ;  borrower,  132, 134; 
speculation,  liking  for,  135  ;  lot 
teries,  liking  for,  135,  238 ;  raf 
fles,  liking  for,  135  ;  interest  in 
Potomac  Canal  Company,  136 ; 
wealth  of,  137  ;  slaves  of,  138-53  ; 
care  of,  142-4,  149-50,  152; 
slavery,  views  on,  108, 115,  138- 
53  ;  charity,  160-2,  214-5,  230, 
235 ;  social  life,  163 ;  head 
quarters  life,  165-70 ;  dinners, 
171-4;  levees,  173-4,  177-8 ; 
bows,  174  ;  ceremony,  hatred  of, 
174-5 ;  conversation,  179  ;  tea, 
liking  for,  182 ;  dancing,  fond 
ness  of,  7:83-5  ;  staff,  165,  220 ; 


simple  habits,  165-7 ;  dress  of, 
177,  186-90;  Rules  of  Civility, 
55.  65,  138  ;  neatness  of,  191 ; 
food,  192-4 ;  horsemanship, 
194 ;  fishing,  fondness  for,  197  ; 
card-playing,  198  ;  theatre,  fond 
ness  for,  199-201 ;  embarrass 
ment,  201,  209  ;  library  of,  204  ; 
newspapers,  205-8,  263  ;  abuse, 
sensitiveness  to,  206-8,  227 ; 
friendships  of,  209-33 1  god 
father,  210 ;  pall-bearer,  210  ; 
Indian  friends,  212,  307  ;  name, 
212  ;  assassin,  213,  307  ;  temper, 
206,  217,  226,  261,  271-2  ;  quar 
rel  of  Hamilton  with,  226; 
children,  relations  with,  235-8  ; 
enemies,  240 ;  duelling  and, 
240,  254;  drinks  toasts,  244; 
intrigues  against,  245-66 ;  at 
tacks  on,  248,  255,  261,  264-6; 
insulted,  249,  288 ;  Presidency, 
258,  300,  303;  judgment,  260; 
liveried  servants  of,  155,  166, 
*73.  265 ;  courage  of,  269 ; 
swears,  206,  261,  272;  Fabian 
policy,  273-6,  288  ;  rashness 
of,  273-6  ;  indecision  of,  277 ; 
lack  of  military  knowledge, 
278;  generalship,  273-9,  3°3' 
severity  to  soldiers,  282;  rela 
tions  with  Continental  Congress, 
284 ;  New  England,  dislike  of, 
286-7;  farewell  to  army,  291; 
adjutant  of  Virginia,  294;  bur 
gess,  294-8 ;  stands  for  Freder 
ick  County,  295  ;  elected,  297 ; 
election  expenses  of,  297-8 ; 
drafts  law,  298 ;  inability  to 
make  speeches,  299-301 ;  stage 
fright,  299-300;  inauguration, 
300;  in  the  Continental  Con 
gress,  301  ;  attitude  towards 
Great  Britain,  302;  threatened, 
303 ;  popularity  of,  297,  305  ; 
diplomacy  of,  305-6;  truthful- 


318 


INDEX 


ness,  307-9 ;  serves  on  jury,  309 ; 
attends  elections,  309 ;  honesty, 
310. 

,  George  Augustine,  27,  101, 

196. 

,  Harriot,  25. 

,  John,  13,  16,  268,  294. 

,  John  Augustine,  26,  27,  37, 

98,  294. 

,  Lawrence,  Rev.  (ist),  16. 

,  Lawrence  (2d),  16,  113. 

,  Lawrence,  Major  (3d),  23, 

60,  113-4,  I3I.  204,  268,  294. 

— — ,  Lawrence,  of  Chotanck  (4th), 
209. 

• ,  Lund,  196. 

,  Martha,  sickness  of,  76 ; 

meets  Washington,  92  ;  engaged, 
92  ;  Washington's  letters  to,  93, 
97  ;  marriage,  93  ;  character,  93, 
101  ;  Washington's  fondness  for, 
94;  wealth,  94,  131;  clothing, 
95 ;  housekeeper  for,  95 ;  or 
thography,  93,  96  ;  children,  96  ; 
visitr,  to  head-quarters,  98,  169  ; 
social  life,  100-1,  169,  185 ; 
mentioned,  108-9,  208 :  dower 
slaves,  139,  152-3;  drafts  of  let 
ters  for,  181 ;  receptions,  101, 
109. 

,  Mary  (Ball),  17-21,  74,  138. 


,  Mildred,  113. 

,  Robert,  209. 

,  Samuel,  24. 

,  Thornton,  24. 

Washington  City,  73,  75,  121,  132, 

238. 

WATSON,  Elkanah,  quoted,  56. 
WAYNE,  Anthony,  quoted,  277. 
Weaving  at  Mount  Vernon,  122. 
WFEMS,  M.  L.,  quoted,  307. 
WELD,  Isaac,  quoted,  44,  309. 
Wheat,  Washington's  production 

of,  117. 
Whiskey,  distilling  of,  at   Mount 

Vernon,  123. 

WHITE,  Rev.  W..  quoted,  82. 
William  and  Mary  College,  65. 
Williamsburg,  68,  93,  94;  lots  in, 

132 ;   Washington  goes  to,  for 

medical  advice,  50,  92. 
Wl LLI  AMS  ,  William ,  wishes  Wash 
ington  removed,  256. 
WILLING,  Ann,  quoted,  273. 
Winchester,  lots  in,  132 ;  election 

at,  295.  298. 
WOLCOTT,  Oliver,  71. 
WOOD,  John,  296-7. 


Yorktown,  siege  of,  32,  47,  223-4, 
227,  232,  244,  270,  276,  279. 


THE    END. 


319 


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